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CI)e liqttor JJroblem, 



THE LIQUOR PROBLEM IN ITS LEGISLATIVE AS- 
PECTS. By Frederic H. Wines and John Koren. 
An Investigation made under the Direction of Charles 
W. Eliot, Seth Low, and James C. Carter, Sub- 
Committee of the Committee of Fifty to Investigate the 
Liquor Problem. With Maps, izmo, $1.25. 

ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. 
By John Koren. An Investigation made under the 
Direction of Professors W. O. Atwater, Henry W. Far- 
nam, J. F. Jones, Doctors Z. R. Brockway, John 
Graham Brooks, E. R. L. Gould, and Hon. Carroll D. 
Wright, a Sub-Committee of the Committee of Fifty. 
With an Introduction by Prof. Henry W. Farnam. 
i2mo, $1.50. 

SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. By Raymond 
Calkins. An Investigation made for the Committee 
of Fifty under the direction of Elgin R. S. Gould, 
Francis G. Peabody, and William M. Sloane, Sub- 
Committee. i2mo, $1.30, fiei. 

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY, 
Boston and New York. 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE 
SALOON 

BY 

RAYMOND CALKINS 

AN INVESTIGATION MADE FOR 

THE COMMITTEE OF FIFTY 

UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 

FRANCIS G. PEABODY, ELGIN R. L. GOULD 
AND WILLIAM M. SLOANE 

SUB-COMMITTEE ON SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON 




BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 



COPYRIGHT, igoi, BY FRANCIS G. PEABODY 
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 



Published June, igoz 



5X(ol 



PRESENT ORGANIZATION OF THE 

COMMITTEE OF FIFTY. 

April, 1901. 



President. 
Hon. Sbth Low, LL. D., Columbia College, New York. 

Vice-President. 
*Chakles Dudley Warner, Esq., Hartford, Conn. 

Secretai-y. 
Prof. Francis G. Peabody, D. D., Cambridge, Mass. 

Treasurer. 
William E. Dodge, Esq., 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 

Executive Board. 

The above-named Officers and — 
Dr. J. S. Billings, Aster Library, Lafayette Place, New York, N. Y. 
President Charles W. Eliot, LL. D., Harvard University, Cambridge, 

Mass. 
Col. Jacob L. Greene, Hartford, Conn. 
Hon. Carroll D, Wright, A.M., LL. D., Department of Labor, 

Washington, D. C. 

Members. 
Prof. Felix Adler, 12.3 East 60th St., New York, N. Y. 
Bishop Edw. G. Andrews, D. D., Methodist Building, 150 Fifth Ave., 

New York, N. Y. 
Prof. W. O. Atwater, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 
Dr. J. S. Billings, Astor Library, Lafayette Place, New York, N. Y. 
Charles J. Bonaparte, Esq., 216 St. Paul St., Baltimore, Md. 
Prof. H. P. BowDiTCH, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Mass. 
Rev. Prof. Charles A. Briggs, D. D., 700 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 
Z. R. Brockway, Esq., Superintendent State Reformatory, Elmira, 

N. Y. 
John Graham Brooks, Esq., Francis Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 
Hon. James C. Carter, .54 Wall St., New York, N. Y. 
Prof. R. H. Chittenden, Sheffield Scientific School, New Haven, Conn. 
Rev. Father Thomas Conaty, D. D., Catholic University, Washington, 

D. 0. 

* Died, 1000. 



1491066 I 1800 




iv ORGANIZATION OF COMMITTEE OF FIFTY. 

John H.Converse, Esq., Baldwin Locomotive Works, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Wm. Bayard Cutting, Esq., 34 Nassau St., New York, N. Y. 

Rev. S. W. Dike, LL. D., Auburndale, Mass. 

William E. Dodge, Esq., 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 

Rev. Father A. P. Doyle, Paulist Fathers, 455 West 59th St., New 
York, N. Y. 

President Charles W. Eliot, LL. D., Harvard University, Cambridge, 
Mass. 

Rev. Father Walter Elliot, Paulist Fathers, 455 West 59th St., 
New York, N. Y. 

Prof. Richard T. Ely, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 

Prof. Henry W. Farnam. 43 Hillhouse Ave., New Haven, Conn. 

Rt. Rev. T. F. Gailor, D. D., University of the South, Sewanee, Tenn. 

President Daniel C. Gilman, LL. D., Johns Hopkins University, Bal- 
timore, Md. 

Rev. Washington Gladden, D. D., Columbus, Ohio. 

Richard W. Gilder, Esq., Union Square, New York, N. Y. 

Dr. E. R. L. Gould, 281 Fourth Ave., New York, N. Y. 

Col. Jacob L. Greene, Hartford, Conn. 

Dr. Edward M. Hartvvell, 5 Brimmer St., Boston, Mass. 

Hon. Henry Hitchcock, 707 Chestnut St., St. Louis, Mo. 

Rev. W. R. Huntington, D. D., Grace Church, 237 Broadway, New 
York, N. Y. 

Prof. J. F. Jones, Marietta, Ohio. 

President Seth Low, LL. D., Columbia College, New York, N. Y. 

President James MacAlister, LL. D., Drexel Institute, Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

Rev. Alexander Mackay-Smith, D. D., 1325 Sixteenth St., Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Prof. J. J. McCook, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 

Rev. T. T. MuNGER. D. D., New Haven, Conn. 

Robert C. Ogden, Esq., Broadway and 10th St., New York, N. Y. 

Rev. Prof. F. G. Peabody, D. D., Cambridge, Mass. 

Rt. Rev. H. C. Potter D. D., 29 Lafayette Place, New York, N. Y. 

Rev. W. I. Rainsford, D. D., 209 East 16th St., New York, N. Y. 

Jacob H. Schiff. Esq., 27 Pine St., New York, N. Y. 

Rev. Prof. C. W. Shields, D. D., Princeton, N. J. 

Prof. W. M. Sloane, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

*Charles Dudley Warner, Esq., Hartford, Conn. 

Dr. Wm. H. Welch, Johns Hopkins Hospital, Baltimore, Md. 

Frederic H. Wines, Esq., Springfield, 111. 

Dr. P. M. Wise, N. Y. State Commission in Lunacy, 1 Madison Ave., 
New York, N. Y. 

Hon. Carroll D. Wright, A.M., LL. D., Department of Labor, 
Washington, D. C. 

* Died, 1900. 



INTRODUCTION. 

This is the third volume issued by the direction of 
the Committee of Fifty for the Investigation of the 
Liquor Problem. The committee was organized in 
1893 " to secure a body of facts which may serve as a 
basis for intelligent public and private action." " It 
is the purpose of the committee," as its first announce- 
ment stated, " to collect and collate impartially all 
accessible facts which bear upon the problem, and it 
is their hope to secure for the evidence thus accu- 
mulated a measure of confidence on the part of the 
community which is not accorded to partisan state- 
ments." Thus, as was said by Mr. Charles Dudley 
Warner (Harper's Magazine, February, 1897), " it 
was from the first understood that the prime business 
of the committee was not the expression of opinion, 
or the advancing or advocacy of one theory or an- 
other, but strictly the investigation of facts without 
reference to the conclusions to which they might lead." 

The Committee of Fifty was at once divided into 
four sub-committees to consider respectively the phy- 
siological, legislative, ethical, and economic aspects of 
the drink question. The publications of the Com- 



vi INTRODUCTION. 

mittee of Fifty have thus far been made in the name 
of these various sub-committees. The Legislative Sub- 
Committee, consisting of President Eliot, President 
Low, and Mr. James C. Carter, published, in 1897, 
" The Liquor Problem in its Legislative Aspects " 
(Houghton, Mifflin & Company), an investigation 
conducted by Mr. F. H. Wines and Mr. John Koren. 
The Economic Sub-Committee, consisting of Colonel 
Carroll D. Wright, Professor Henry W. Farnam, 
Mr. Z. R. Brockway, Mr. John Graham Brooks, Dr. 
E. R. L. Gould, and Professor J. F. Jones, published, 
in 1899, " Economic Aspects of the Liquor Problem " 
(Houghton, Mifflin & Company), an investigation 
made by Mr. John Koren, under the special direc- 
tion of Professor Farnam, the secretary of the sub- 
committee. To each of these volumes was prefixed 
the following statement describing the relation of the 
Committee of Fifty to these special investigations : 
"By vote of the Committee of Fifty, January 10, 
1896, reports made by its sub-committees to the whole 
body may be published by authority of the Executive 
Committee as contributions to the general inquiry; 
but to all such publications is to be prefixed a state- 
ment that reports of sub-committees are to be regarded 
as preliminary in their nature, and only contributory 
of facts upon which the general discussion may in the 
future be undertaken by the committee as a whole." 



INTRODUCTION. vii. 

The present volume has the same preliminary and 
contributory relation to the conclusions of the Com- 
mittee of Fifty. It is issued under the direction of 
a special committee appointed from the Ethical Sub- 
Committee, and as originally constituted was made up 
of Professor Francis G. Peabody, Mr. Charles Dudley 
Warner, Dr. E. R. L. Gould, and Professor William 
M. Sloane. The death of Mr. Warner has deprived 
the committee of his generous sympathy and judicious 
counsel. 

It may not unreasonably be asked how far this 
series of preliminary studies is to proceed, and how 
long the formal conclusion of the inquiry of the Com- 
mittee of Fifty is to be postponed. To these questions 
it seems proper to answer that the Committee of Fifty 
hopes to complete its programme of research within a 
year. The present volume is to be soon followed by 
another, presenting the results of the researches made 
by the Physiological Sub-Committee, and on the basis 
of these four preliminary inquiries the Ethical Sub- 
Committee will attempt to form some brief and general 
summary of the conclusions of the Committee of Fifty. 
It will be remembered, however, that the Committee 
was not organized to institute practical undertakings, 
but to set forth a body of verifiable truth, and that its 
work will be accomplished if it can furnish such evi- 
dence concerning the physiological, legislative, eco- 



viii INTRODUCTION. 

nomic, and ethical aspects of the drink-habit as shall 
be both trustworthy and suggestive. 

The present volume differs in important respects 
from those prepared by the legislative and economic 
committees. It does not propose to cover any general 
view of the drink-habit, or to answer any fundamental 
question of politics or ethics. It deals with a single 
aspect of a single problem. The problem approached 
is that of the saloon, and the single aspect of that 
problem which is considered is the contribution of the 
saloon to sociability. Dismissing for the moment all 
discussions concerning the physiology of temperance 
or the regulation of the drink traffic, we give our atten- 
tion to the phenomenon of the saloon as it exists in 
most American towns ; and dismissing, still further, all 
question of the debasing effects of the saloon, we take 
account of a single characteristic, which gives to the 
saloon much of its prosperity and permanence. What- 
ever else the saloon may be or may fail to be, it is, at 
any rate, the poor man's club. Its hold on the com- 
munity does not wholly proceed from its satisfying the 
thirst for drink. It satisfies also the thirst for socia- 
bility. The number of patrons of a saloon who are 
slaves of the drink-habit is by no means so great as the 
number who feel the natural cravings of the social 
instinct. Club life has become a social factor of in- 
creasing importance in all modern society. It meets a 



INTRODUCTION. ix 

need felt by women as well as by men. A very large 
proportion of those people who have the most resources 
in their homes now spend many of their leisure hours 
in social clubs. The poor man, however, finds no 
resource of recreation and change of scene so con- 
venient or so persuasive as the saloon ; and the saloon, 
by every possible device, offers itself for the satisfac- 
tion of the social instinct. It is not only a place for i 
drinking, but the agreeable centre of gossip, curiosity, j 
and excitement. 

The inquiry now undertaken begins at this point. 
It assumes that no attack upon the saloon can hope 
for permanent effectiveness which does not take into j 
account this satisfaction of the social instinct. It in- 
quires whether there is any considerable competition 
with the saloon as a means of sociability. It asks 
whether anything can be learned by experience or by 
observation as to effective methods of this social sub- 
stitution. Thus the design of the following investiga- 
tion has very definite limits. It is not an academic 
or technical, but strictly a utilitarian and practical 
inquiry. We imagine a philanthropic citizen in some 
American town considering the joossibility of some 
offset to the solicitations of the saloon. He jaroposes 
to himself the establishment of a Boys' Club, or a 
Gymnasium, or a Coffee-House ; but he does not know l 
how far such undertakings have been successful else- 



X INTRODUCTION. 

where, or what their risks may be, or on what lines of 
organization they should be developed. Might it not 
be greatly to his advantage if he could learn what had 
been done of this nature in Baltimore, in Chicago, in 
San Francisco, and in half a dozen other communi- 
ties ? Might not the scrupulous collection of this evi- 
dence from various communities give judicious direc- 
tion to his new enterprise, and save him from some of 
the mistakes of precipitancy, inexperience, and unregu- 
lated zeal? 

With this limited purpose of practical guidance in 
mind, two methods of procedure presented themselves 
to the committee as possible. One was the plan 
which had been followed by the legislative committee, 
under which two trained observers visited typical 
States of the Union and reported on various forms 
of law. The other was the plan of the economic 
committee, under which a large number of local ob- 
servers reported to a single expert, whose duty was to 
collect this evidence and estimate its general lessons. 
The first plan seemed to promise greater uniformity in 
treatment, but would in the present case demand a 
degree of acquaintance with local conditions which 
no single observer could in any limited time hope to 
possess. The second plan called for a large amount 
of contributory material, drawn from different com- 
munities and likely to be of very differing value ; but 



INTRODUCTION. ri 

it seemed also to promise greater trustworthiness as 
well as greater picturesqueness in its results. The 
committee, therefore, first of all secured the services 
of an experienced and sympathetic expert to con- 
duct the entire research. The Rev. Raymond Calkins 
of Pittsfield, Mass., had in 1895 directed a similar 
inquiry on a smaller scale in the interest of the Com- 
mittee of Fifty, concerning the saloons of the city of 
Boston and the agencies which compete with those 
saloons in providing recreation and sociability. The 
results of this investigation were presented in an arti- 
cle in the " Forum " for July, 1896 (Substitutes for 
the Saloon in the City of Boston). Mr. Calkins has 
brought to the present inquiry the same devotion and 
generosity, together with a literary skill which appears 
to the committee to make our volume not only instruc- 
tive but vivacious and picturesque. Whatever excel- 
lence is to be found in the following chapters is due 
to his discriminating use of the mass of material before 
him. 

The first step in the investigation thus initiated was 
the procuring of evidence from all parts of the coun- 
try. The committee have endeavored to reach the 
most unprejudiced and the best informed authorities 
in each community, and the responses to their de- 
mands have been painstaking, sympathetic, and gener- 
ous. University students and teachers of economics 



2di INTRODUCTION. 

and sociology, agents of cliarity-organization societies, 
residents in social settlements, and many other inves- 
tigators with special qualifications have participated 
in the research. The cities selected for special study 
were as follows : San Francisco, Denver, St. Louis, 
Minneapolis, St. Paul, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, 
Buffalo, New Haven, New York, Boston, Philadelphia, 
Baltimore, Atlanta, New Orleans, and Memphis. The 
list of persons who have directly contributed to the 
work is appended to this introduction. 

On the basis of these many and varied reports Mr. 
Calkins has prepared his successive chapters, discuss- 
ing in succession the various possible substitutes for 
the saloon, and illustrating the advantages and disad- 
vantages of each substitute by reference to the evi- 
dence put in his hands, and this evidence, as set forth 
in the Appendix, will in its turn lead the reader, if he 
wishes to go stiU further, into direct relations with 
specific undertakings whose lessons may be applied to 
his own needs. The reports of these special investi- 
gations, many of which have been prepared in great 
detail, are mercilessly abbreviated or reduced to tabular 
form in order to meet the exigencies of space, and the 
results as they are exhibited by no means indicate the 
extent of research or the degree of devotion which have 
been given to the task. The material at the command of 
the committee is quite sufficient to fill a second volume 



INTRODUCTION. xiii 

and, if its publication were possible, would provide for 
the student of special forms of philanthropy a most 
valuable collection of evidence. To all these contrib- 
utors, and to the many other persons who have co- 
operated with them, the committee desire to exjjress 
their deep obligations. These obligations are espe- 
cially due to Emily Lathrop Calkins, who has not only 
given devoted assistance in the compilation of the 
tabular statements and the general arrangement of the 
volume, but has personally prepared Chapters V. and 
VIII. of the general discussion. 

The volume thus represents a vast amount of pains- 
taking inquiry devoted to a single aspect of the many- 
sided problem of temperance reform. The committee, 
however, are not without hope that this limited under- 
taking may indicate to some readers one point in the 
somewhat bewildering complexity of temperance agita- 
tion where it may be possible to proceed with intelli- 
gence and effectiveness, and may invite some public- 
spirited citizens to a judicious investment of time and 
means in a direct and practical method of social 
service. 

Francis G. Peabody. 

E. R. L. Gould. 

William M. Sloane. 



3dv INTRODUCTION. 

LIST OF PERSONS WHO HAVE CONTRIBUTED 
TO THIS VOLUME. 

1. Reports : — 

Atlanta Rev. Frank E. Jenkins. 

Boston William I. Cole, 7 of the South 

Kellogg Durland, j End House. 

Baltimore William L. Ross, 

of Johns Hopkins University. 

Buffalo Messrs. Levon A. Tchorigian, under 

the direction of Westminster 
House, and Ludovic Jones, 
Rev. Cameron J. Davis, 
Arthur Williams, and Walter 
Brown, under the direction of 
Frederic Almy of the Charity- 
Organization Society. 

Chicago Royal L. Melendy, 

of Chicago Commons, 

Cleveland Starr Cadwallader, 

of Goodrich House Social Set- 
tlement. 

Cincinnati Adolph I. Marx, 

of the University of Cincin- 
nati. 

Denver Robert T. Walker, 

of Colorado College. 

Memphis Rev. J. K. Wooten. 

New Haven Charles L. Storrs, Jr., 

of Yale University. 

New Orleans Frank M. Norman. 

New York .... Francis H. McLean, 

then Assistant Secretary of 
Brooklyn Bureau of Charities. 

Philadelphia Edwin S. Meade, 

of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania. 



INTRODUCTION. xv 

St. Louis Walter J. Brown and R. C. Hardy, 

of the St. Louis Y. M. C. A. 

St. Paul and Minneapolis . Professor F. L. McVey, 

of the University of Minnesota. 

San Francisco .... Dane Coolidge, of Leland Stan- 
ford, Jr., University. 

2. Special contributions : — 

Legislation and the Social Features of the Saloon, 

John Koren. 
Trade Unions and the Saloon, 

Dr. Edward W. Bemis. 
Fraternal Societies and the Saloon, 

Professor B. H. Meyer, 
University of Wisconsin. 
Boys' Clubs, 

William A. Clarke. 
Outdoor Amusements in New York, 

Dr. William I. Hull, 

of Swarthmore College. 
Outdoor Amusements in Philadelphia, 

Francis H. McLean. 
Outdoor Amusements in Boston, 

Grosvenor Calkins. 
A Temperance Coffee and Billiard Room, 

Rev. Dr. MacKay-Sraith. 
The Social Work of the Salvation Army, 

Brigadier Cox. 
The Social Work of the Church Army, 

Colonel H. H. Hadley. 
The Cambridge Prospect Union, 

Robert E. Ely. 

3. Contributions prepared for other purposes, loaned to the 
editor of this volume : — 

Hollywood Inn, 

Rev. James E. Freeman. 



xvi INTRODUCTION. 

Lodging-Houses in Cincinnati, 

Mr. Bryant Venable, Cincinnati, 
Ohio. 
The Religious Condition of Young Men in American Cities, 

Mr. James F. Oaks, Central De- 
partment Chicago Y. M. C. A, 
A Study of the Playgrounds in Boston, 

The Massachusetts Civic League, 
Mr. Joseph Lee, Secretary. 

4. Special studies into local conditions : — 

Miss Mary Peckham of Kingsley House, Pittsburg; Miss Corne- 
lia Bradford of Whittier House, Jersey City; Miss Elizabeth Wil- 
liams of the College Settlement, New York; J. M. Hanson, The 
Commons, St. Paul; Clarence Gordon of the East Side House Set- 
tlement, New York; Miss Helen F. Greene, Hartley House, New 
York. 

5. Among a long list of others who have assisted in the inves- 
tigation are : — 

Mr. E. L. Shuey, Dayton, Ohio; Mr. Z. A. Brockway; Carroll 
D. Wright, U. S. Commissioner of Labor, Washington, D. C; 
Professor Henry W. Farnam, Yale University; Professor Richard 
T. Ely, University of Michigan; Mr. H. A. Short, Birmingham, 
England; Mr. William E. Wilkinson, Belfast, Ireland; Mr. Wil- 
liam Peskett, Liverpool, England ; Professor Graham Taylor, 
Chicago Commons; Mr. James B. Reynolds, University Settle- 
ment, New York; Mr. Lawrence Veiller, Sec. N. Y. Tenement 
House Commission ; Mr. Robert A. Woods, South End House, 
Boston; Mr. Robert Graham, N. Y. Church Temperance Society; 
Professor Samuel Lindsay, University of Pennsylvania; Wni. 
Knowles Cooper, General Secretary of the Springfield Y. M. C. A. ; 
L. L. Doggett, Ph. D., the Springfield Training School. 



CONTENTS. 

CHAP. FASK 

I. The Saloon as a Social Centre .... 1 

II. Legislation and Substitution 25 

III. The Clubs of the People 45 

IV. Clubs for the People 70 

V. Popular Education 101 

VI. The Church, the Mission, the Settlement, and the 

Young Men's Christian Association . . 125 

VII. Indoor Amusements . ..... . 156 

VIII. Outdoor Amusements 187 

IX. Lunch-Rooms and Coffee-Houses .... 216 

X. English Temperance Houses 243 

XL The Housing of the Working People . . . 267 

APPENDIX. 

I. Attitude op Trade Unions toward the Saloon . 303 

II. Boys' Clubs 314 

III. Report on Substitutes for the Saloon in Boston 321 

IV. Summary of Reports from Ten Representative 

Cities 338 

Atlanta, Baltimore, Buffalo, Chicago, Cleve- 
land, Denver, Minneapolis and St. Paul, New 
York, Philadelphia, San Francisco. 

V. Diagrams illustrating Distribution op Saloons . 386 

VT. Bibliography 389 

Index 393 



" Economists have been trying for a long time to discover how 
best to employ the energies of men. Ah, if I could but discover 
how best to employ their leisure ! Labor in plenty there is sure 
to be. But where look for recreation ? The daily work pro- 
vides the daily bread, but laughter gives it savor. Oh, all you 
philosophers ! Begin the search for pleasure ! Find for us if you 
can amusements that do not degrade, joys that uplift. Invent a 
holiday that gives every one pleasure, and makes none ashamed." 
— Smile Souvestre : Un Philosophe sous les Toils. 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 

The saloon, economically considered, is a place where / 
intoxicating liquors are sold at retail. They may be 
drunk immediately upon the premises, or they may be 
taken away. The purpose of the saloon-keeper is the 
same as that of the grocer or any other retail mer- 
chant. He is there to sell his goods at the greatest pos- j 
sible profit to himself. If he fulfills any other mission 
to the community, he does so because it results natu- 
rally from his real business. If he consciously supplies 
any other demand than that for drink, he perceives its 
commercial value and seizes upon it in order to increase 
the amount of his sales. Always it is the selling which [ 
interests him. The saloon as it exists is no re 
a conscious benevolent institution than the grocery 
store. The idea that the saloon-keeper is disinterest- 
edly performing any social service must be set aside at 
once. The commercial motive is at the bottom of it 
all. That is to say, the saloon-keeper is a business 
man like many others in the community. 

Just as the keeper of the saloon looks always at the 
selling of liquors, so his patron is there primarily to 
buy them. If it were not for the patron who comes 



2 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

only to drink, the saloon could not exist for a day. It 
may be that other things go with the drinking ; that 
these become known and sought for what they are and 
for what they can give ; that they become even the 
primary attractions for many saloon patrons. But the / 
craving for liquors is what makes the saloon. The 1 
proof of this lies in the failure of prohibition to destroy | 
the demand for drink. If it were anything less than 
this upon which the saloon rested, it might easily be 
abolished. The tremendous strength of the liquor 
business rests upon physiological grounds. 

Primarily, then, the saloon answers to the demand 
for liquor, but it goes beyond this and supplies a deeper 
and more subtle want than that of mere animal thirst. 
This want is the demand for social expression, and 
how it is met becomes clear by noting what elements 
are needed to create what we may call a social centre. 
These elements are the absence of any time limit, some 
stimulus to self-expression, and a kind of personal feel- 
ing toward those into whose company one is thrown, 
which tempts one to put away reserve and enjoy their 
society. Where these three elements coexist, however 
imperfectly, they create a social centre, a situation, 
that is, in which the social instincts find their natural 
expression. 

Such a centre the saloon evidently is, even in its 
lowest forms, for the elements which create a social 
centre are parts of the very nature and constitution of 
the saloon as such. In a saloon there is no time limit. 
Loafing is not prohibited, and there are no placards 
telling men to move on. The saloon-keeper is anxious 
to have a man stay if it seems, as it usually does, 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 3 

that he will spend more money. Only when he has 
no more money to spend, or his presence has become 
obnoxious, will he be asked to leave. The stimulus 
to sociability is present irrespective of the quality of the 
liquor and the attractiveness of the saloon. There is 
no means of arousing the social instinct so sure as that 
which lies within the reach of the poorest man. An 
expense of five cents will put him at any time into 
what we may call a social temper. The saloon is warm 
in winter, and as cool as any other place in summer. 
The liquor is hot when the weather is cold, and cold 
when the weather is hot. The stimulus is calculated 
nicely to meet just the social end. Best of all he meets 
his fellows, and is met by them in the direct and per- 
sonal way that breaks down the reserve, and causes at 
once the springs of his social nature to act. The saloon 
is the most democratic of institutions. It appeals at 
once to the common humanity of a man. There is 
nothing to repel. No questions are asked. Kespect- 
ability is not a countersign. The doors swing open 
before any man who chooses to enter. Once within 
he finds the atmosphere one in which he can allow his 
social nature freely to expand. The welcome from the 
keeper is a personal one. The environment is con- 
genial. It may be that the appeal is to what is base 
in him. He may find his satisfaction because he can 
give vent to those lower desires which seek expression. 
The place may be attractive just because it is so little 
elevating. Man is taken as he is, and is given what he 
wants, be that want good or bad. The only standard 
is the demand. There is evidently no room for argu- 
ment here. Persons may disagree in their opinions as 



4 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

to the ethical value of the saloon, as to the extent to 
which the saloon ministers to the social needs of the 
community, but it can hardly be denied that even if it 
be the demand for drink, and that alone, which brings 
a man to a saloon, the saloon patron finds himself when 
he enters in a centre peculiarly adapted to the free 
expression of his social nature. 

Here, then, is a social phenomenon to be studied 
wholly apart from ethical considerations. It may be a 
good thing or a bad thing that such opportunity exists. 
With this we are not for the moment concerned. What 
interests us now is simply that the opportunity is there. 
It is not a question whether a man is injured more than 
he is benefited. The fact to be studied is that he finds 
in the saloon the answer to a social demand. The 
saloon is so related in our minds with the question of. 
morals that it is hard to look at it merely as a social 
institution, hard to assess it correctly upon the basis of 
precise observation without allowing our preconceived 
notions of its ethical value to influence our judgment. 
An unbiased study of the saloon as it exists in our 
American cities, under many differing laws and in its 
many different forms, compels the conclusion that it is 
acting to-day as a social centre, even where this pur- 
pose is furthest from the mind of its keeper, and where 
its apparent attractiveness is reduced to its lowest 
terms. 

Upon closer examination, the importance of this re- 
sult only increases, and the real hold of the saloon ujaon 
the social life of the people becomes more and more 
clear. It is apparent for one thing that there are not 
many centres of recreation and amusement open at all 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 5 

hours to the working people, none that minister to their 
comfort in such a variety of ways. The longer one 
searches for just the right kind of a substitute for the 
saloon, affording its conveniences without its evils, the 
more one despairs of finding it. And yet such places 
are a positive necessity, for the social instinct that 
demands and finds its satisfaction within the saloon 
is a reality. Work is not and was not meant to be 
the whole of life. The leisure problem equals in im- 
portance the labor problem, and surpasses it in diffi- 
culty. Our present-day social philosophers are search- 
ing for the solution of this problem. In the mean time, 
to satisfy the social needs of thousands of our laboring 
people, stands the saloon ready to welcome them, and 
admirably adapted to such an end. How admirably, a 
short study of some representative types of saloons will 
easily show us. 

Even in the lowest kinds of saloons there is a kind o£ 
social life present. These places may be positively 
immoral, where all the adjectives of the temperance 
rhetorician apply literally. Unfortunately, even such 
saloons as these are not the less for all this, centres 
for social expression. To say this is not to say a word 
in their defense. The fact is simply recorded. Social 
desires may be depraved ; they are none the less real, 
and that their expression gives relief and satisfaction 
cannot for a moment be doubted. The saloon becomes 
in this case the conduit through which pass off the 
lowest forms of social life. The men who jsatronize 
these places are ex-convicts or embryo-criminals ; men 
whose tastes and habits are the lowest. Often the 



6 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

mental and physical activities of such men as these 
find outlet in acts o£ positive violence and disorder. 

But a saloon may be dull and degrading without 
being positively vicious. Here, for example, is a sa- 
loon on Ninth Avenue in New York. It is typical of 
a large number of poor saloons in any large city. An 
Irish plug-ugly acts as barkeeper. It is a rather cool 
evening, but the gusty di'aughts of air are freely ad- 
mitted through open doors. Small, head -high screen 
doors alone hide the interior from passers-by. All this 
but indicates the indifference to real comfort which 
characterizes so generally the poorer kinds of Irish sa- 
loons. Despite the general discomfort, in a nook which 
is partially protected from the wind, five or six regular 
patrons are playing with greasy cards on a black and 
dirty table. They are all middle-aged men of miser- 
able type. The place is not of a kind which would be 
likely to attract the younger men, for though the inte- 
rior finish was once good, dirt has become so deeply 
ingrained that the general effect is forlorn, uncomfort- 
able. Walking down the same block one might find 
four or five saloons of precisely the same character. 

Here it might seem as if the social element had been 
reduced to a minimum. It is only when one studies 
the character of the man who frequents such places 
that one perceives the real social service which the 
saloon renders him. For this man, a squalid room in 
some tenement, a dirty bed in some lodging-house, the 
streets, or the lockup are the only social alternatives. 
From his point of view, your dirty saloon wears a new 
aspect. To him it is a real asylum, an escape from 
the drudgery of work or the hand of the police. He 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 7 

was born in dirt and he is not afraid of it. To him 
the atmosphere is positively congenial. The rude wel- 
come is the kind he wants. He has a place of his own, 
warmth, fellowship. He wants his drink and he gets 
it. Even such saloons as these, which stand for a largq 
number to be found in any community, act as social 
centres to the kind of men that they attract. 

Another class of saloons deserves special study be- 
cause it is the most common form to be met with any- 
where, the typical American " stand-up " saloons. The 
interior of saloons of this type will necessarily differ 
according to the population, and according as they at- 
tempt more and more to provide for the physical com- 
fort and recreation of their patrons. As a rule, they 
are clean and neat. This is not always the case, espe- 
cially in the meaner saloons, where, as the day goes on, 
the bar and floor become more and more untidy. Yet 
almost always the saloons are distinctly superior in ap- 
pearance to anything their patrons are accustomed to 
in their own homes. For decoration, there is the usual 
display of bottles filled with different colored liquors. 
The expensive bars and plate-glass mirrors are supplied 
by the brewers. The pictures are often advertisements 
issued by the brewers and advertising the brewery 
beer. Some of these are cheap and tawdry, but others 
are quite elaborate. The appeal to what is low and 
vulgar by means of indecent pictures is not common in 
these ordinary saloons. Other ornamentation is not 
supplied because it is not demanded. The patrons of 
saloons of this type have no highly developed aesthetic 
or artistic sensibilities. When the people have a higher 
education in art, it will be discoverable upon the walls 
of the saloons. 



8 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

The amount of furniture supplied depends largely on 
the license system that j)revails. Where the license 
is low and the saloons are numerous, competition results 
in a larger attempt to provide for the physical comfort 
of patrons. Where the license is high and the saloons 
are limited in number, other attractions than the drink 
are not needed. In Massachusetts and in Pennsylvania, 
the saloon wears a mujch plainer aspect than in the 
South and West, where there are few saloons that are 
not provided with some furniture aside from the bar. 
In Minneapolis and St. Paul, for example, out of 315 
typical saloons, 270 were supplied with tables and 
chairs ; and in Chicago out of the 163 saloons of the 
Seventeenth Ward, no less than 147 made similar pro- 
vision. 

More important than the furniture is the general 
character of these saloons. They are, in the first 
\ place, thoroughly cosmopolitan. One saloon in Chicago 
advertises its cosmopolitanism by the title " Every- 
body's Exchange." Men of all nationalities meet and 
mingle. More important still, the general atmosphere 
is one of freedom. That spirit of democracy which 
men crave is here realized. That men seek it, and that 
the saloon tries to cultivate it, is blazoned forth in such 
titles as "The Fred," "The Social," "The Club," 
"The Keception," "Ed and Frank's," "The Two 
Andersons," " Joe Cardinal's Place." The Bowery 
has a saloon called the " Poor Man's Retreat." The 
club idea is used to make the saloon atmosphere con- 
genial. That instinct which is so manifest in our 
modern life is utilized thoroughly by the saloon. The 
term " club " applies, for many saloons have their own 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 9 

constituency, although it may not be organized. Where 
the saloon patronage is large, men naturally associate 
according to their own cliques or affiliations. The 
character of saloons is determined often by the char- 
acter of the men who, having something in common, 
make the saloon their rendezvous. That same instinct 
which brings business men together in their Somer- 
set Club or their Union League Club leads the labor- 
ing man into the clubs furnished by the saloons. 
The saloon becomes the natural headquarters of a 
club which may have no constitution or by-laws, but 
is still a distinct, compact, sympathetic company of 
men. Their common ground may be their nationality. 
In this case the saloon becomes a kind of national 
headquartei'S. It is not at all uncommon in large 
cities to see saloons bearing such names as " The 
Italian Headquarters," etc. There are whole blocks 
of saloons which appeal to men of a single nationality. 
Or the bond that unites them may be their occupation, 
as is indicated by the names " Mechanics' Exchange " 
or " Milkmen's Exchange." The utility to men of the 
same trade in having a single saloon to represent their 
interests is obvious. The saloons become, in fact, J 
labor bureaus. The laboring man out of employment 
knows that in some saloon he is likely to find not only 
temporary relief, but assistance in finding work. To 
" The Stone-Cutters' Exchange," for example, men 
seeking masons often apply. Men meeting there dis- 
cuss their profession. A man out of employment does 
not go to the charity organization society, but to 
his club saloon. Information concerning positions is 
gathered by the men themselves and is made common 



10 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

property. Many a man has been put on his feet by 
just this kind of help. He does not feel like a charity 
applicant, for he knows that he is as likely to give as to 
receive. The athletic instinct may be the common 
ground, and many men find their athletic club within 
the saloon. An ex-prizefighter or baseball champion 
sets up a saloon which becomes the cleainng-house for 
all kinds of athletic and sporting intelligence. A 
noted place in St. Louis is called " Tom Allen's Cham- 
pion Rest." The proprietor is an ex-pugilist from Lon- 
don, and his place is well known throughout the West. 
Politics may be the common bond. This is perhaps 
the most common tie of all. In Chicago one saloon is 
known as " The Democratic Headquarters of the Eigh- 
teenth Ward." In New York the Tammany headquar- 
ters in many a district is found in a saloon. These sa- 
loons are well known, and particularly at election time 
they are crowded nightly with members of the political 
fraternity. Thus the strongest ties which unite men 
are effectually used by the saloon. It has become the 
official and the unofficial meeting-place for the discus- 
sion of those interests which are uppermost in men's 
minds. These men have had considerable education 
of a practical if not an academic sort ; especially when 
they touch upon social problems, they often reveal a 
real insight into the cause of present evils, even if the 
remedies that they propose are wide of the mark. The 
newspaper is an educator, and often men who have read 
and studied lead in the saloon discussions. 

The position of the saloon-keeper in saloons of this 
type is a most important and influential one. He is 
commonly a man of an intelligence superior to that of 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 11 

his patrons. That the character of the saloon as a centre 
of sociability should depend on the personality of the 
saloon-keeper is only natural. He is above all else a 
man of the people. He knows his men and knows 
them well. He knows often about their families and 
their circumstances, and thus has a hold on their sym- 
pathies. The laborer often regards him as his chief 
friend. He has more leisure for self -improvement than 
most of his customers. He has in his possession the 
latest political and sporting news. He reads the papers 
and makes a point of being a leader in discussion, an 
arbitrator in debate. He makes a show of hospitality 
and generosity. A man can often borrow money from 
a saloon-keeper, and the saloon is frequently the only 
place where a poor man can " get trusted," and this he 
does not forget. To the proprietor, loss upon such 
loans as these is more than made up in the ultimate 
return. Very often the saloon is a laboring man's post 
office. His letters are sent there, and are taken care 
of by the bartender free of charge. From all this 
will be seen the influence which the saloon-keeper has 
gradually acquired. Thus it is easy to see how his 
political power arises. He is the middleman between 
the great financial interests represented by the brew- 
ers and the political units that are his patrons. By 
his position he is a leader. He is the man to whom 
the politician must go before the realization of his 
schemes. If there is any bribery, it concerns the sa- 
loon-keeper, who is asked to treat " the boys " in re- 
turn. Such are the varied functions of the barkeeper ; 
such is his social position ; such is his influence. In 
saloons of no other type, either lower or higher, is the 



12 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

barkeeper quite the man of importance that he is in 
the majority of our city saloons. If he is not master 
of all these arts, he is of some. He is able to contrib- 
ute to, if not to create, an atmosphere of sociability, and 
through personal influence to win the confidence of his 
patrons. 

Besides this general atmosphere of congenial society 
and comfort, the saloon of this class has added certain 
features intended directly for recreation and amuse- 
ment. Their number and variety will depend upon 
the existing license regulations. The screen law, well 
known in Massachusetts, is an effective means for 
depriving the saloons of much of that sociability for 
which a certain amount of privacy is necessary. In 
New York social features are not imcommon, and in 
the West they are almost universal. The most ordi- 
nary form of amusement is card-playing. Tables and 
cards are supplied by the proprietor, and sometimes 
card-rooms. They are always small, and no effort is 
made at decoration of any kind. This arrangement is 
commonly seen in New York, where saloons are pro- 
vided with back rooms furnished with tables and chairs. 
For example, out of fifteen representative saloons in 
the Fourteenth Assembly District, nine have rear rooms 
used for card -playing and other social purposes. 

Reading is not so common. It is the exception to 
find men busy reading the papers to any extent or for 
any length of time even when the saloon supplies them. 
In Chicago out of 163 saloons in the Seventeenth Ward, 
139 were found to be regularly supplied with papers. 
But in Cleveland, the chief of police reported that he 
had never seen a news^japer in a saloon in that city 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 13 

unless it were one which the proprietor had used and 
discarded. In other cities the local papers are often 
found, but they are not much read. Keadiug is too 
quiet, too individual, too little social an occupation to 
suit the ordinary saloon habitue. 

Music is not commonly found in bar saloons. The 
proprietor cannot afford good music, and the patrons, 
as a rule, do not care for it. A music-box is occasion- 
ally found, or a graphophone, or a nickel-in-the-slot 
machine, or other device for reproducing sentimental 
songs. Sometimes a singer or violinist is hired for the 
evening, but as a rule it is the more highly developed 
saloons to which one must go for the music. The bil- 
liard and pool table is a more common method of 
amusement than the newspaper or the musical attrac- 
tion. Twenty-seven per cent of the saloons studied 
in Chicago have them, and in St. Louis they are very 
common. And yet the pool table is not seen so much 
as formerly in some of our cities. In many high 
license places it is prohibited. In others, for one rea- 
son or another, it has given way to other forms of 
amusement. The tables take up too much space ; they 
easily get out of repair ; the excitement of the game 
often takes the place of drink, which is far from the 
saloon-keeper's wish. There is the temptation to lin- 
ger too long over the games. 

An almost inevitable means of attractinc: to the 
saloon is to report the current sporting and athletic 
news. On the night of a well-known prize fight, the 
saloons of the entire countiy are commonly packed. 
The news of the " mill " is received " by special wire " 
and detailed to the customers. Sometimes a black- 



14 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

board is used for illustrations. During the baseball 
and racing season, it is very common to have score 
cards given out free of charge. As the game pro- 
gresses and the results are announced, the score can 
be kept as accurately by one sitting at a table with his 
drink as if he occupied a seat on the " bleachers." 

But not all the methods employed for amusement are 
as innocent as these. . The gambling instinct is given 
its chance for expression in many of the saloons. This 
may take the harmless form of tossing for drinks or 
cigars ; it may be the almost universal playing for the 
game in billiards, by which the loser pays the expense 
for the whole company ; it may be a playing for stakes at 
cards, which is very common, or it may be the use of the 
gambling machine. The relative amount of gambling 
in a saloon will depend, of course, upon the severity of 
its supervision. The tendency toward it must always 
exist to a greater or less extent. The gambling ma- 
chine is not so common in the East as it is in the West. 
But it is only recently that it has been banished from 
the saloons of New Haven, and it is still to be found in 
Baltimore. In the St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Chicago 
saloons gambling is quite j)revalent. A favorite type 
of machine is a penny-in-the-slot contrivance, to be 
played for drinks or cigars, or for money. Often one 
can see men crowd around these machines, waiting a 
turn to try their luck. Ordinarily but five or ten cents, 
but sometimes from fifty to seventy-five cents is 
dropped in at a single play. In one of the largest first- 
class saloons of Cincinnati, after an evening's play, the 
bulk of the coin taken from its ten machines measured 
over a half bushel. If more gambling does not exist, 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 15 

it is often due to the fact that the demand is not great 
enough for a larger number to thrive and pay the 
" tax," that is, the hush money. 

That the social evil is also pandered to by the saloon 
of this class, as well as of the lower types already 
mentioned, is well known. The two vices of drunken- 
ness and social immorality are closely allied. Drink in- 
fluences the passions and leads to excess. Many sa- 
loons are in close connection with houses of assignation, 
while others are well-known rendezvous for prostitutes, 
and have a distinct patronage on this account. A 
common form of saloon of this class in New York is a 
Raines Hotel of a low type. The cities of the West 
have their saloons with stalls or wine-rooms. There 
may be no definite business agreement between the 
women and the keepers of the saloons, but as a rule 
the saloon-keepers are compensated for the extra space 
and furniture by the increased bar receipts, and the 
women, in turn, are furnished a " hang-out." 

A distinctive and general feature of the saloons of 
this class is the food which they serve. Some provi- 
sion of food by the saloons is required by law for 
hygienic reasons : it is bad for a man to drink upon an 
empty stomach. But it is a long cry from this to 
becoming, as the saloons now are, the base of the food 
supply of thousands of men of all classes in our cities. 
Besides the free lunch, many saloons serve what is 
called a business lunch, or a commercial lunch ; that 
is, upon payment of five or ten cents a man obtains in 
a saloon the same amount of food which he would ob- 
tain in a restaurant. The quality of the food is as 
good, there is no delay, and for an additional payment 



16 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the customer can have his drink. These saloons are 
patronized generally at noontime and at night rather 
than through the day. They do a regular restaurant 
trade, but serve liquors in addition. 

The free lunch is free only in the sense that when a 
man has bought a drink, he is not charged for eating. 
But it is undeniable that the workingman, any man 
not supplied with much ready money, regards even the 
most meagre free lunch as one of his greatest blessings. 
Tlie quality of these lunches varies a good deal. Where 
the competition is not great, or where the license is 
high, the free lunch is not so attractive. In Boston, 
New York, Baltimore, and Philadelphia the ordinary 
saloons certainly do not serve a very abundant or a 
very appetizing free lunch. Usually this lunch is cold. 
Where a hot lunch is found, it will almost always con- 
sist of soup with bread. The cold lunch is generally 
made up of the following articles : Bread, crackers, 
and wafers ; cheese, bologna sausage, wienerwurst, cold 
eggs, sliced tomatoes, cold meats, salads, pickles and 
other relishes. The demand is commonly for something 
sour or salt. The consumption of pickles, salt meats, 
sauerkraut, and potato salad runs far ahead of anything 
else. The drinking man's stomach seems to crave the 
acid. A workingman does not need to eat very heart- 
ily of the free lunch in order to appease his hunger. 
A slice or two of bread, a few pickles, and a small 
piece of meat with the beer is all that many of them 
eat at noontime. The meagre lunch which many of 
the saloons in our Eastern cities afford is perfectly 
adequate to the needs of a great majoi-it}'^ of drinkers. 

No limit is ordinarily put upon the amount which 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 17 

a man may eat. A well-dressed or a regular cus- 
tomer is never interfered with. It is only the man 
who comes seldom or evidently comes for the lunch 
alone who need fear the eye of the bartender. How- 
ever, there is a kind of etiquette about the use of the 
free lunch which acts as a corrective to the greed of 
some patrons. It is, of course, at noontime that the 
saloons serve most largely as eating-places. Then it 
is that hundreds of men make use of them as restau- 
rants. Standing at almost any street corner near a 
large factory, one can see the men going in large num- 
bers directly from their work to the saloon for their 
lunch and their schooner of beer. In certain sections 
it is the exception to see a dinner pail. A hot lunch 
is often served at noontime, and when a second beer is 
purchased, a piece of roast meat, some vegetables, and 
a relish can be obtained without extra charge. 

In the South the Negro problem has its effect upon 
the free lunch. One saloon kept in Atlanta reported 
that it did not pay to set out much of a free lunch be- 
cause the Negro is such a heavy eater that there would 
be no profit. Again, the white man would not help 
himself out of a dish which had been used by a Negro, 
and in many saloons it would be impracticable to have 
a double counter. For this reason, in saloons which 
have a mixed trade, the free lunch is inconspicuous. 
In other saloons, however, the free lunch in the South 
is more like what it is in the North. This may be 
seen from the following description of the free lunch 
served in all the saloons in the business portion of New 
Orleans, or where there are a large number of working- 
men about the railroad yards or ship wharves. A large 



18 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

table is set out in the saloon, on which are placed trays 
of cut bread, bowls of butter, salads and sauces. Then 
there is another table where there is a large tureen of 
soup, a platter of roast beef, a large dish of rice or 
baked beans, or hash or mashed potato ; there is gener- 
ally a change every day, and on Friday there are oyster 
soup and fish. This hot lunch is served from eleven 
to one o'clock. Any one can go in, take a soup plate 
from the pile, and get some soup ; then help himself to 
meat and vegetables, and take what is wanted of bread 
and butter, or anything else there is on the lunch table. 
When the meal is finished, the patron goes to the bar 
and takes his drink. As will be seen, this lunch is 
more elaborate than is common in the eastern cities 
of the North. 

In the Western cities the free lunch is even more 
elaborate. This is due primarily to the greater compe- 
tition which exists between the saloons, and partly to 
the cheapness of food. The best free lunches to be 
found anywhere in the country are in Chicago, in St. 
Louis, and in San Francisco. The following amount 
is consumed per day in a Chicago saloon : 150 to 200 
pounds of meat, li to 2 bushels of potatoes, 50 loaves of 
bread, 35 pounds of beans, 45 dozens of eggs on some 
days (eggs not usually being used), 10 dozen ears of 
sweet corn, f 1.50 to $2.00 worth of vegetables. Five 
men are constantly employed at the lunch counter. 
The total cost of the lunch is 130 to $40 per day. 
The only way in which such an amount of food can be 
given away is through the competition of the brewers, 
who furnish the beer and food at wholesale to the retail 
dealers. The attractiveness of such a free lunch can 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 19 

be imagined. In San Franci&co the saloons furnish 
an equal abundance and variety of food. In comparing 
its free lunch with the ordinary restaurant, it is of 
interest to note that while the saloons dispense hot 
meats freely, but two restaurants could be found which 
furnished meat dishes for five cents. A woman at the 
head of a local temperance organization declared that 
when her boys began their business life in San Fran- 
cisco, they found themselves practically compelled to 
resort to the saloons for their midday lunches. They 
could not afford to get them elsewhere. The incident 
indicates how the patronage of the saloon is increased 
by means of the free lunch. 

To this long list of comforts and conveniences sup- 
plied by the ordinary saloon, one other must be added. 
The saloon is often the only place in crowded sections 
of our large cities which provides public toilet-rooms. 
This provision, which belongs properly to the muni- 
cipality, has in America been left to the hotels and 
the saloons. Many men who never under ordinary 
circumstances patronize a bar do so because they feel 
under some obligation to pay for the convenience 
afforded them. This is another illustration of the way 
in which the saloon has made itself indispensable to the 
community. 

A third class of saloons remains to be described. It 
is the Continental type, where the motive of sociability 
and amusement is as strong in the patron as the desire 
for drink. The drinking is done at tables, both in the 
main room and in separate rooms. Very often there 
is no bar. The atmosphere is that of comfort and of 
sociability. There is much less intoxication, as a rule, 



20 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

than in the bar saloons. Distilled liquors are seldom 
called for, except in the Italian saloons. More time is 
spent over the drink than in the "stand-up" saloons. 
It is more of a loafing-place ; the social element domi- 
nates. AVithin this class also there is great variety. 
The saloons range all the way from the small German 
restaurant to immense establishments involving a great 
outlay of capital, and providing luxurious accommoda- 
tions and almost every possible form of amusement for 
their patrons. The boulevard restaurant, after the 
Parisian model, the beer garden, and certain business 
men's restaurants are all included, for in them all the 
element of sociability is highly developed, and the 
drinking is made the accompaniment of many varied 
forms of social activity. 

The foreign quarters of any large city contain num- 
bers of small drinking-places where the men come to 
smoke and talk. They are not exclusively German, 
although these preponderate. The Italians have their 
wine-shops, and the Hungarians and Poles and other 
foreigners have places of their own. The interior pre- 
sents a different apjiearance from that of the bar sa- 
loon. There is less noise and hurry. There are fewer 
transients, and less passing in and out. Men come in 
quietly and settle down to their pipes and beers with 
more deliberation. During working hours these places 
are half empty, but they fill up rapidly in the evening, 
when they do their best trade. There is commonly 
no free lunch, but food is served at something lower 
than restaurant prices. The patronage is likely to be 
uniform. As a result, the proprietor is personally 
acquainted with a larger number of his patrons than 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 21 

in the saloons where there are more transients. Thus 
in every way the element of sociability is heightened. 

The boulevard saloon is not very well known in this 
country. No avenue in America perhaps presents just 
the spectacle of a boulevard in Paris with its many 
cafes, whose tables are placed in numbers in the front, 
where men and women may sip their drink, read the 
papers, or observe the passers-by. And yet this kind 
of saloon is not wholly absent from our American 
cities. In New York, for example, Second Avenue 
during the summer months has many such establish- 
ments. Some of them have small summer gardens, 
with tables in full view of the avenue. This is a well- 
known broad promenade, crowded on either side with 
passing throngs of people of almost every nationality. 
Meals are served at tliese cafes at all hours. In the 
evening a good three-course dinner with coffee can be 
obtained in many of them for twenty-five cents. Beer 
is the common beverage, but many people frequent 
these cafes who scarcely ever call for liquor. They 
are very pleasant places, especially in the evening. 
There are one or two of them which make a point of 
supplying a good many newspapers. At the corner of 
Houston Street and Second Avenue is a saloon which 
has no outside seats, but the main room is quite large. 
There is a profusion of tables and papers. The pa- 
trons sit there during the whole evening, some drink- 
ing coffee, others beer or liquors. The place does not 
even suggest a bar-room. The windows are not shaded 
in any way, and from the outside one might imagine 
the room to be a free reading-room. It has a most 
homelike appearance, and it draws large crowds. 



22 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

The lack of an adequate provision of places for busi- 
ness appointments has given the saloon an advantage 
which it has been quick to seize. Many a first-class 
saloon is altogether suited to this purpose. Here a 
man and his friends may sit down, often in an alcove, 
and discuss at leisure over a first-class dinner, with any 
kind of liquor, the business that brought them there. 
Not only are these places used for business appoint- 
ments, but separate rooms are sometimes furnished for 
the use of committees and small meetings of various 
character, there being no charge for their use. The 
head of a department in one of Chicago's large whole- 
sale houses said that certain of their best salesmen sell 
a large portion of their goods over a glass of beer in a 
neiohborino- saloon. One of the most famous of these 
business men's establishments is Tony Faust's in St. 
Louis. 

Certain saloons have as a distinguishing feature their 
oddity and the novelties that they present, or owe their 
existence to customs of long standing. On Avenue A 
in New York, for example, is a German saloon which 
reproduces accurately in its furnishings an ancient 
German tavern. There is a general air of restfulness 
and quiet about the place. The imjjression is distinctly 
different from that which one gains in going into one of 
the more fashionable German beer halls. Nearly every 
city has its " Log Cabin " saloon, its " Maze," and other 
odd establishments. Still other saloons make a distinct 
business of amusing their patrons. In the East this 
is generally prohibited by law, but in the West it ' is 
very common. Indeed, it is often hard to tell whether 
we are dealins: with a saloon or with an amusement 



THE SALOON AS A SOCIAL CENTRE. 23 

enterprise. The two meet and mingle. Is it a theatre 
saloon, or a saloon theatre ? Is it a concert hall where 
drinks are served, or a saloon where music is furnished ? 
There is little upon the surface to determine. It is 
very difficult to distinguish between many large beer 
gardens and suburban parks which permit the sale of 
liquors. The saloon idea is so developed that the very 
name seems no longer to apply. The amusement offered 
is almost always one of two kinds. It is either musical 
or dramatic. The concert saloons are often unobjec- 
tionable and sometimes do a real service to the com- 
munity. They are the only concerts which thousands 
of poor people ever hear, for the public band concerts 
are miles away. Of the vaudeville saloons little good 
can be said. At their best, they are vulgar ; at their 
worst unspeakably degrading. As a rule, the perform- 
ances are free. The large j)atronage upon which such 
places can depend reimburses the proprietor for his 
extra expense. They generally serve food as well as 
drinks, the prices being about the same as those charged 
in any good restaurant. The effort is not, however, to 
make a profit from the food. It is from the liquor 
sales that the profit is expected. The most highly 
developed amusement saloons are large establishments 
with every provision made for social entertainment. 
A good illustration of an establishment of this kind 
is Heinegabubeler's famous saloon in Chicago. This 
saloon occupies a building in the very heart of the 
business centre. A great amount of money has been 
spent to make the place attractive both without and 
within. Besides the ordinary buffet and social rooms 
on the street floor, there are three upper stories that 



24 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

are decorated and luxuriously furnished and arranged 
with free gymnasium, reading-rooms, large halls and 
reception rooms. The spacious roof is utilized in sum- 
mer for a garden. Less pretentious establishments of 
a similar kind exist in almost all the Western cities, 
where the chief attraction is a good orchestra. In the 
evening these places are commonly filled, and the re- 
ceij)ts are amply sufficient to reimburse the proprietor 
for the added expense. 

An inquiry into the social side of saloon life reveals 
the firm hold which the saloon has upon the people. 
It is true, as was said at the beginning, that the motive 
of the saloon-keeper is always a commercial one, and 
that the demand of the patron is primarily for drink ; 
yet the roots of the saloon are sunk deep within the 
social life of the great mass of the inhabitants of our 
large cities. An economic examination of the problem 
reveals the great amovmt of capital involved in the 
liquor traffic, the great number of people employed, 
directly or indirectly, in its production and distribution. 
The ethical side of the problem is hardly less convin- 
cing in its demonstration of the important position 
occupied by the saloon in our social economy. 



CHAPTER II. 

LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 

The saloon is the poor man's club in the sense that 
it often offers him, with much that is undoubtedly in- 
jurious, a measure of fellowship and recreation for 
which he would look elsewhere in vain. It does a vast 
amount of mischief, but at the same time supplies a 
legitimate want in the life of the workingman by giv- 
ing him relief from the monotony and meagreness of 
his daily life. This want is so generally recognized 
that social workers have often remarked that, bad as 
the saloon is, they would hesitate to remove it unless 
there were something to take its place. 

The question arises, How may the evils of the saloon 
be eliminated and at the same time the social wants of 
thousands in our great cities be satisfied? Two methods 
must evidently be pursued. The saloon must be con- 
fined by legislative restriction to its own normal func- 
tion of the distiabution of liquor, and other places of 
recreation be provided without the perils accessory to 
the saloon, where a man may enjoy the society of his 
fellows without being confronted with the evils of in- 
toxication, of gambling, of social vice, and where he 
will not be tempted to squander his week's wages. 
These metliods do not exclude but complement each 
other. To destroy the social functions of the saloon 
without making any provision for the social needs of 



26 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the people would be unjust. To rival the social attrac- 
tiveness of the saloon without first limiting its full 
liberty to act as a social centre would be impossible. 
Where these two methods are wisely employed, the evils 
of the saloon will be reduced to a minimum and the 
social needs of the people will at the same time be 
supplied. In the adjustment and application of these 
two methods lies the ultimate solution of the liquor 
problem. 

Certain legislative enactments must plainly precede 
any successful effort to offer social substitutes for the 
saloon. For example, if no attempt is made to limit 
the number or location of saloons by law, the hopeless- 
ness of the problem becomes apparent. The diagrams 
that appear in the Appendix have been prepared to 
show the number and location of saloons in sections of 
certain cities. Any attempt at substitution under such 
conditions is very difficult. The saloons crush their 
rivals by sheer force of numbers. 

Such a condition the law can change at will. " The 
number of saloons can be limited either by statutory 
enactment according to population, as in Massachusetts, 
or merely with respect to what the licensing authorities 
conceive to be the popular needs of the community, as 
in Pennsylvania." ^ The number of saloons in a block 
can be limited, and a too great congestion in the poorer 
residence districts can be forbidden. All such enact- 
ments which lessen the whole number of saloons and 
to a certain extent confine them to business sections 

^ Much of the material relating to the legislative aspects of the 
problem is taken, at times verbatim, from a report prepared for the 
editors of this volume by Mr. John Koren. 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 27 

give their social competitors a better chance of suc- 
cess. In this way legislation can at once overcome the 
initial advantage of the saloon. 

But even when legislation has clone this, it has still 
left untouched the social attractiveness of the saloon, 
which actually increases as the number of saloons de- 
creases. The problem is practically left where it was 
before. The question arises, Can legislation go still 
further and extirpate the social functions of the saloon? 
If this can be done, then evidently the plan of provid- 
ing social substitutes to take its place becomes not only 
a possible but a highly imj)ortant form of social ser- 
vice. Our restrictive liquor legislation, it must be 
frankly said, has as yet done but little to counteract or 
to minimize the social attractions of the saloon. This 
fact a brief examination of existing systems will suffice 
to demonstrate. 

All low license systems fail, for curiously enough 
the lower the license fee, the fewer, as a rule, are the 
legal restraints imposed upon the saloon. Nowhere is 
the license so low as in San Francisco. Those retail 
dealers whose aggregate sales amount to less than $600 
a quarter need pay no license at all, and those whose 
sales amount to less than $15,000 a quarter pay a 
license of only $84 a year, and nowhere is the saloon 
freer from legal restrictions. The law requires only 
that the business be not conducted by a person con- 
victed of a felony, and that the resort be not used for 
immoral purposes. In Chicago the fee is but $500 a 
year, and in Chicago, more than in Eastern cities, the 
distinctively social features of tlie saloon predominate. 
This is true also of St. Louis, where the fee is even 



28 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

lower. The great majority of saloons in St. Louis are 
furnished with round or square tables and chairs for 
the convenience of their patrons. One who passes by 
can often see card-playing through the open door. 
Many of them also have billiard and pool tables ; still 
others, wine-rooms and theatrical and athletic exhibi- 
tions. In Ohio the saloon is taxed at the uniform rate 
of i 250 per year.^ The law does not forbid the com- 
bination with the saloon trade of other attractions, as 
music, dancing, and games, or of other pursuits, such 
as the sale of provisions or the exhibitions of plays ; 
there are no restrictive regulations as to chairs, tables, 
screens, and the like. These may be taken as illustra- 
tions of the influence of the low license system upon 
the social attractions of the saloon. It may be said, 
in a word, that under the system of low license the 
social attractiveness of the saloon is not at all limited 
by legislation. 

The method of high license evidently contemplates 
a restriction of the social features of the saloon. Yet 
the result is not attained, and the saloon continues to be, 
to a greater or less degree, a social centre. The primary 
reason for this lies in the very nature of the license 
system. The traffic is left in private control, and the 
operator is taxed for the privilege of engaging in his 
business. The question of revenue is a vital one with 
him. If tlie restrictive measures be too severe, they 
will drive him out of the business, and this is not the 
purpose of any license system. The evident injustice 
to the dealer is the reason why more restrictive laws 
are not passed, and why those that are passed are not 

_ ^ See Legislative Aspects of the Liquor Problem, p. 298. 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 29 

more rigidly enforced. Tlie feeling is- that where the 
saloon is already highly taxed for the privilege of con- 
ducting its business, it should be left free to stimulate 
its trade by any legitimate means. In some cities, of 
course, the restrictive laws are fairly well enforced 
without seeming to cripple to any extent the saloon 
trade. " The truth of this is perhaps nowhere better 
exemplified than in Massachusetts, where the high 
license system has reached a more complete develop- 
ment than in any other State. Here the employment 
of numerous restrictive expedients, as well as the stat- 
utory limitations of the number of saloons according 
to the traffic, together with unusually high fees, have 
served to raise the tone of the traffic to some extent 
and to eliminate the old-time dive. The saloons in 
Boston, for instance, are to a less extent than those 
of other great cities social centres ; for not only are 
they prevented from holding out inducements to their 
patrons by the aid of various kinds of social machinery 
in vogue elsewhere, but above all, the law has shorn 
them of that privacy which conduces so much to the 
sociability and club-like atmosphere of the drink places. 
Yet notwithstanding the unusual publicity of its business 
which makes it impossible for the drinker to escape 
altogether the public gaze, and in spite of the generally 
efficient police supervision, the Massachusetts saloon 
admittedly holds its own as a centre of social life for 
the workingman. It is still a favorite resort, the head- 
quarters of local political machinations, and the rendez- 
vous of gangs ; and its presiding genius is a man of 
social prestige and appreciable influence among his 
fellows by virtue of his occupation. In ministering to 



30 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the social want^s of certain classes, he is still without 
dangerous rivals." 

What legislation in Massachusetts has been unable 
to accomplish, the license laws of other States are still 
further from attaining. Where legislation puts a pre- 
mium on the hotel feature of the drink place, as in 
New York, under the liquor tax law, it results not 
only in accumulation of the ordinary attractions, but 
of opportunities for gambling, prostitution, and other 
excesses. The dealer feels that he must recoup him- 
self for the extra expenditure involved in the running 
of a " hotel," by fair means or by foul. 

The root of the difficulty, it is almost needless to 
emphasize, lies in the fact that a license law, whether 
high or low, permits the sale of liquor for private 
profits. The dealer naturally seizes every chance to 
increase his business. By so much as he can increase 
the cheer and hospitality, as well as the more tangible 
allurements of his place, the profits grow. Private pro- 
fits must be eliminated from the sale of liquor before 
much progress can be made in offsetting the social 
attractions of the saloon. " Look where we may, to 
our own experience or to that of European countries, 
we find that legislation is powerless to revolutionize 
the character of the saloon as a social institution until 
it takes it out of private hands." Thus both the low 
and high license systems have failed to counteract the 
social side of saloon life. 

The same may be said of the prohibition laws. So 
long as public opinion does not insist upon the extinc- 
tion of the formally banished saloon, just so long is it 
possible not only for it to exist, but to preserve all the 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 31 

essential elements of a social centre, and to draw pa- 
tronage as such. Unaided by popular conviction, the 
official odium attaching to it cannot seriously diminish 
its attractiveness. " As a cause of intemperance in 
Maine, especially among young men, is mentioned the 
dearth of good pleasure resorts and public amuse- 
ments. As one who for fourteen years had been a 
labor leader in Portland remarked : ' They [the Pro- 
hibitionists] try to take the bar-rooms away from 
the boys and give them nothing instead except the 
churches.' The saloon is still a social centre in Port- 
land for which no permanent substitutes have been 
offered to the large number of young men, abounding 
in every city, who cannot in any sense be said to have 
homes." ^ 

All these laws have then, generally speaking, failed 
to destroy the social functions of the saloon. This result 
has been attained, however, in our own country under 
the South Carolina Dispensary System. The success 
of the system has been due, it is needless to say, to the 
fact that the element of private profits has been largely 
eliminated. The business is conducted by the State 
and not by private individuals who are in the business 
for what they can make out of it. It is unnecessary to 
go into the details of the system, but for the sake of 
contrast, it is well to remember what becomes of an 
ordinary saloon when it is taken out of the hands of 
individuals. 

" Take a typical South Carolina dispensary which 
has supplanted the flaunting, ubiquitous saloon of 
former days. Except for the modest sign over the 
^ See Legislative Aspects of the Liquor Problem, p 58. 



32 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

door, there is liardlj'^ anything to betray the business of 
the place. Its location has not been chosen for con- 
spicuousness. The interior furnishings are meagre in 
the extreme, and have respect to bare utility. Instead 
of presiding behind a polished bar with its tempting 
array of bottles and decanters, the dispenser is ensconced 
behind a lattice-work which fences off all the long and 
narrow room except a small space in front. On the 
shelves and on boxes partly hidden from view are the 
officially stamped liquor packages. Through a small 
aperture in the middle of the lattice-work the dispenser 
communicates with the customers and receives the 
orders. After the necessary formalities have been 
complied with (they are such that if properly insisted 
upon the undesirable customer is denied his request), 
the goods, never less than a half pint of distilled liquor 
in a sealed bottle, are passed out, and the purchaser is 
expected to make room for the next comer. The dis- 
penser may be courteous, but he is not cordial. There 
is no invitation to make oneself at home ; and there 
could be no reason for extending it, since the room is 
barren of all comforts, and does not even contain a 
chair or a table, not to mention other conveniences. It 
is absolutely prohibited to open a liquor package on 
the premises ; treating in the ordinary sense is thus 
done away with. . . . At six P. M. the doors of the 
establishment close, not to open again until after work 
hours the next day." It would be difficult to imagine 
conditions less conducive to sociability. The bar is a 
memory only. The buying of intoxicants has become 
as prosaic as the buying of soap or codfish. 

By this is not meant that the South Carolina system 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 33 

is the best method of regulating the liquor business. 
On the contrary, it will probably be found that there 
are in such a system very grave defects. For one 
thing, the State is given an interest in promoting the 
establishment of the dispensaries, since the whole of 
the profit is retained for state and municipal expenses. 
Even the elimination of private profit has not been 
completely secured, since the salaries of the county dis- 
pensers are fixed according to the amount of business 
that is done.^ Another serious defect of the system is 
that it does not succeed in taking the liquor traffic out 
of jiolitics. The Governor of South Carolina, in his 
message to the General Assembly, January 10, 1899, 
said the new system " has now been in force three 
years, and, in my opinion, it has failed to accomplish 
the purposes of its advocates. The idea was to divorce 
the dispensary system from politics, and to put it 
under a strictly business management. No such re- 
sult has followed. It is notorious that the dispensary 
is as much or more in politics than it ever was."^ 
But in spite of these disadvantages the system has 
accomplished much, since it does destroy the social 
features of saloon life, while permitting the distribu- 
tion of intoxicating liquors. 

The same result has been achieved in Norway and 
Sweden under the Company system, the central prin- 
ciple of which is the elimination of private profit. 
The drinking-places, in general, are not so devoid of 
all attractions as the South Carolina dispensaries, and 

^ See Legislative Aspects of the Liquor Problem, p. 168. 
^ Quoted in The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, pp. 240, 
241. 



34 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

in some of them liquor may be consumed on the pre- 
mises. But even in Christiania, where the shops of the 
Company offer the most attractions, there is little to 
remind us of tl:ie American saloon. "They are not 
resorts for social intercourse ; they are not comfortable 
and spacious. No games, newspapers, or other means 
of recreation are provided, not even seats. Men do 
not congregate there to do business, to discuss politics, 
to bet on the races. There is no treating or lingering 
over the social glass." In short, they are not in any 
sense social centres. The advantages of the Company 
system are that the drink traffic is forever taken out 
of politics, that local administrations can adapt the 
details of the system to local conditions, that the profits 
must be used to establish substitutes for the saloon of 
an educative and a recreative sort. This beneficent plan 
is already in operation in Norway. In other words, 
under this system both the restrictive and constructive 
methods of meeting the liquor problem are in opera- 
tion at the same time. This system doubtless repre- 
sents the highest and most successful type of liquor 
legislation to be found anywhere, for it unites in a sin- 
gle system of control the two methods, the successful 
operation and adjustment of which means the ultimate 
solution of the liquor problem. This much at least is 
clear : neither local enactments nor police surveillance 
can avail to destroy the social attractions of the saloon 
so long as it is left in private control. The saloon as 
a social centre can only disappear when the element of 
private profits has been removed. 

The ability of legislation to extirpate the social at- 
tractiveness of the saloon has thus been demonstrated; 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 35 

but in proportion to the degree in wliich legislation is 
successful in taking from the saloon its social features, 
the obligation becomes imperative to provide for the 
patrons of the saloon other places of social recreation 
and fellowship. Up to the present time reformers have 
given much more attention to the method of legislation 
than to the method of substitution. The latter method 
is the one that now requires careful study. Until ade- 
quate and sensible means have been devised for the 
recreation of the people, the time will not have come to 
consider the advisability of employing legislation which 
can rob the saloon of all its social features. As yet 
adequate substitutes for the social benefits which thou- 
sands of the people actually derive daily from the 
saloons have not been developed. It is to this problem 
that the experience, the wisdom, and the wealth of those 
interested in social progress must now be directed. 

Europe has taken the lead here as well as in the 
method of legislation. The importance of this method 
of meeting the liquor problem has been clearly recog- 
nized by foreign governments. Russia, for example, 
has not only put a restrictive liquor law into operation 
(the Government Monopoly will within a year or two 
be extended into seventy-five provinces), but has been 
organizing a scheme of preventive agencies, as well, un- 
der the lead of Prince Oldenberg of St. Petersburg. 
The plan is to open reading-rooms with libraries and 
cheap, attractive restaurants near public gardens and 
squares where the working people congregate. The 
movement has grown remarkably, until now there are 
nearly 2000 of these tea-rooms and tea-restaurants, 943 



36 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

reading-rooms and libraries, 654 popular readings in 
hired halls, and many other similar popular attractions. 

Interesting experiments have been inaugurated in 
Norway and in England. The coffee-houses of Liver- 
pool have become famous ; the workingmen's clubs, the 
model tenements, the friendly inns of London and 
other English cities are well known. So far back as 
1834 a Select Committee of the House of Commons, in 
reporting on the " Causes and Consequences of Intoxi- 
cation among the Labouring Classes," recommended, 
among other things, " The establishment, by the joint 
aid of the government and the local authorities and 
residents on the spot, of public walks and gardens, or 
open spaces for athletic and healthy exercises in the 
open air, in the immediate vicinity of every town, of 
an extent and character adapted to its population ; and 
of district and parish libraries, museums and read- 
ing-rooms, accessible at the lowest rate of charge, so as 
to admit of one or the other being visited in any 
weather and at any time ; with the rigid exclusion of 
all intoxicating drinks of every kind from all such 
places, whether in the open air or closed." ^ 

Twenty years later, in 1854, another Select Commit- 
tee of the House of Commons reported : — 

" Your Committee are fully impressed with the im- 
portance of as far as possible dissociating places of 
pviblic entertainment from the sale of intoxicating 
drinks. Dramatic and musical performances have a 
tendency, under a strict censorship, to raise the character 
of the people, and there is evidence of a growing taste 
for such entertainments among the working classes, 
^ The Temperance Problem and Social Eeform, p. 384. 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 37 

wliicli it appears to your Committee may be made to 
serve as a powerful counter-attraction to the public 
house. 

" Your Committee have been impressed with the 
good effects of the Saturday evening concerts, such as 
take place at the Lord Nelson Street Rooms, Liver- 
pool, which, on all occasions, are presided over by 
some person of note or respectability ; and they are 
satisfied that were the example followed, and the means 
provided, independent of public houses, for the working 
classes to gratify their taste, especially for music, the 
result would be a diminution of intemperance and the 
refinement of the popular taste." 

Since 1854 other recommendations have been made 
to Parliament in regard to the importance of providing 
for the social needs of the people. 

The most interesting beginnings in our own country 
are patterned after European models, but they are be- 
ginnings only. In no city in our country are the social 
substitutes at all adequate to the demand. A greater 
advance has been made in the method of substitution 
in the cities of the North and East than in other 
sections of the country. It is in Boston, Baltimore, 
New York, and Philadelphia that the most significant 
experiments have been tried. Several very careful 
inquiries have been made in certain small cities and in 
limited sections of the larger cities to discover how many 
substitutes actually compete with the social life of the 
saloon. Jersey City, for example, has a jaopulation of 
about 195,000 and a saloon to every thirty-five voters. 
The workers in Whittier House were able to discover a 
few clubs connected with churches and the settlement, 



38 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

several good branch libraries, three cheap theatres, a 
few parks, but no effort to provide cheap and whole- 
some food and lodgings for the needs of a distinctively 
transient population. The settlement and an energetic 
institutional church perform practically all the philan- 
thropic activity for the entire city. In Pittsburg, 
Kingsley House instituted a rigorous search for substi- 
tutes in the Ninth, Tenth, and Twelfth Wards, where 
sixty-four saloons are located. The results were as fol- 
lows : Fifteen clubs of all kinds, of which six were for 
women and four for boys ; seven libraries, of which three 
were fairly large and well graded and three were Carne- 
gie home libraries for children ; three pool-rooms ; three 
nickel lunch establishments, two lunch wagons, five 
small lunch counters, a few cheap restaurants, and four 
cheap lodging-houses. This was all beside the educa- 
tional work of the settlement. In the Fifteenth As- 
sembly District in New York City, Hartley House dis- 
covered three workiugmen's clubs, three boys' clubs, 
two political clubs, a singing society, a mission, and 
four restaurants of a social nature. After making all 
allowance for the influence of institutions situated out- 
side the district upon the life of the people within it, 
and conceding that these districts may be more poorly 
supplied with substitutes than others in the same cities, 
it will still be seen how small an impression these en- 
terprises must make upon the total life of the commu- 
nity. 

The reasons for the scarcity of social substitutes are 
many. The chief reason doubtless why substitutes have 
not kept pace with existing conditions is the phenome- 
nal growth of our American cities. The census of 1890 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 



39 



demonstrated that over 27 per cent of the entire pop- 
ulation of the United States were in the 400 towns of 
over 8000 population, while as many as 28 cities had 
over 100,000 population. At present there are 39 cities 
in the latter class, and 159 cities have a population of 
25,000 and over. New York has 3,437,202 with its 
extended boundaries, Chicago 1,698,575, Philadelphia 
1,293,697, while St. Louis, Boston, and Baltimore have 
each over half a million. The following table shows 
the increase of urban population during the past 
twenty years : — 



Classified Sizes. 



Cities of 200,000 or more .... 
Cities of 100,000 and under 

200,000 

Cities of 50,000 and under 

100,000 

Cities of 25,000 and under 

50,000 

Totals 



.2 
o 
"3 




Population. 




4) 

a 
1% 








o 
19 


1900. 


1890. 


1880. 


&4 


11,795,809 


8,879,105 


6,311,653 


32.8 


19 


2,412,538 


1,808,056 


1,009,163 


33.3 


40 


2,709,338 


2,067,169 


1,368,309 


31.0 


81 


2,776,940 


2,100,559 


1,244,802 


33.2 


159 


19,094,625 


14,855,489 


9,933,927 


32.5 



40.6 
79.2 
51.0 
68.7 
49.5 



It is not to be wondered at if philanthropy has been 
unable to keep up with this rapid development. 

That many saloon substitutes are not and perhaps 
cannot be made to be paying investments for capital is 
another obstacle. An exception must be made of model 
tenements, since recent experiments in providing for 
the housing of the poor have proved that these, a most 
important substitute, can pay an interest upon money 
invested. An exception must also be made of the 



40 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

investment of capital by manufacturers wliich tends 
directly to the betterment of tlieir employees. Social 
experiments in this direction have undoubtedly demon- 
strated that the money invested yields very ample 
return in the quality and increased amount of the work 
performed by the employees. But the financial diffi- 
culty is and always must be so great that it is probable 
that the conditions never can be successfully met until 
the municipality controls its own liquor bvisiness and 
expends the profits upon the establishment of social 
centres for the people. The tax is too great to be borne 
at present by the municipal treasury or by private 
philanthropy. But if the enormous profit from the 
drink traffic could be diverted into the legitimate work 
of establishing centres of recreation for the people, an 
immense progress could be made towards social reform.^ 
A minute examination into the different kinds of social 
recreation needed by the people seems to demonstrate 
afresh the necessity of such liquor legislation for large 
cities as will both limit the social features of the saloon 
and divert the pi-ofit of the drink traffic into providing 
social centres to take its place. 

But the whole trouble does not consist alone in the 
small number of these social enterprises, but in their 
inability for one reason or another seriously to attract 
and permanently to retain the attention of the people. 
An interesting experiment showing the opinion in which 
these substitutes are actually held by the people was 
recently tried at the Elmira Reformatory. At the ses- 
sion of the Ethics class neld in that institution one 

^ For a practical demonstration of the workings of the system, see 
The Temperance Problem and Social Beform, pp. 393-418. 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 41 

Sunday evening, a class of three hundred intelligent 
adults averaging twenty-one years of age, the subject of 
the " Liquor Saloon Ethically Considered " was up for 
discussion. It was hoped that the men would discuss 
the substitutes proposed, and there was placed upon a 
large blackboard an analyzed list of thirty-two of them. 
The substitutes attracted only a smile, not of contempt, 
but of indifference. These habitues of saloons were 
not impressed or seriously interested in the substitutes 
proposed. The discussion ranged about the saloon 
itself, its dangers and disadvantages and the benefits 
to be derived from it. This test was a fair one, and 
doubtless represents the actual opinion of the laboring 
man upon existing social substitutes. It is to be ques- 
tioned if the saloon-keepers themselves actually dread 
very many of the present-day efforts to compete with 
the saloon, and instances are not unknown where they 
have actually contributed to their support. 

If we ask why it is that social substitutes are so often 
ineffective, different answers must be given. For one 
thing, too little account is taken of a man's social nature. 
The experiments are often those of the doctrinaire and 
not of the observer of actual conditions. The beginning 
is made not from within, but from without. Many of 
the people who work against the saloons are much 
more ready to talk to or at a man than to talk with 
him, forgetting that the primary need is companionship. 
Men will not largely patronize a place where the feeling 
prevails that some one is doing something for them. 
The workingman rightly resents the intrusion of the 
philanthropic or religious idea. The saloons, on the 
other hand, interpret the needs of their constituents 



42 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

accurately because they know them intimately. They 
exercise much ingenuity, as we have seen, and no little 
discrimination in supplying attractions. The majority 
of those who are attached to the saloon do not, per- 
haps cannot, analyze the cause of its attractiveness, but 
they feel the difference between the warmth and cheer 
of the saloon and the repellent atmosphere of many of 
the substitutes. 

The location of saloons is in their favor. They are 
commonly placed on the street corner and invariably 
occupy the ground floor. Substitutes are often located 
in out of the way places, or upon the upper floor of 
some building, where they cannot be seen from the 
streets. Saloons are open eighteen or nineteen hours 
out of every twenty-four. Substitutes often close their 
doors when men would be most likely to enter. 

Another reason for the failure of social substitutes is 
the lack of cooperation among them. It has not been 
at all an uncommon experience to find social workers 
ignorant of each other's existence or distrustful of each 
other's methods. On the other hand, the proprietors of 
the saloons and their backers are fully aware of their 
common interests and stand closely together for mutual 
protection. 

The gravest problem, however, that confronts the 
success of any social substitute for the saloon is the 
problem of drink. Whether substitutes can expect to 
make appreciable inroads upon the patronage of the 
saloon without offering any form of stimulant is an 
open question. Soft drinks are not a substitute for 
alcoholic beverages. A drink containing an amount 
of alcohol sufficient to j)lease the palate without at the 



LEGISLATION AND SUBSTITUTION. 43 

same time causing intoxication has not yet been dis- 
covered. The situation must be faced that, especially 
among the foreign population, the drinking of alcoholic 
beverages is well-nigh universal. Beer is the common 
beverage of the working people. The secretary of a 
German order in Chicago said that he personally could 
not recall a single German family in which beer was not 
used. The laboring people of many nationalities give 
beer to their children as others do milk. "You can 
depend on the beer, but you can't tell about the milk 
you get down here," one man remarked. It is probably 
true that certain of the most effectual substitutes for 
the saloon which actually exist in many of our large 
cities are not the strictly temperance agencies, but those 
which permit a moderate use of mild forms of liquor 
and regulate very carefully its consumption. The chief 
objection to any plan, however, of attracting people to 
a place where intoxicating beverages are for sale is the 
danger of thwarting the very object of substitution. 
Yet it would be going too far to say that this must 
always be the case. This difficult question must be 
dealt with according to the nature of the substitute and 
the habits of the people for whom the substitute is 
proposed. 

To compete with the saloon, therefore, by the method 
of substitution, many different elements, all of which 
enter into the problem, must be taken into considera- 
tion. An earnest attempt to provide for the social 
needs of any community will begin by carefully study- 
ing local conditions. Some social life will be dis- 
covered already existing, and the effort will be made 
to stimulate this from within, avoiding all semblance 



44 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

of outer reform. New social enterprises will then 
gradually be added, adapted to the particular needs of 
the community. These substitutes will assume many 
different forms, and present many perplexing problems. 
In the following chapters the effort will be to state 
the practical results of a variety of experiments, and to 
suggest possible methods of rivaling the social attrac- 
tions of the saloon. 



CHAPTER in. 

THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 

One of the first demauds which the saloon satisfies 
is the desire for the companionship of one's fellows. 
The saloon, however much it has departed from its an- 
cestral pattern, still performs the function of the ancient 
tavern ; it is the same common centre where the isolated 
personal experience is merged in the common lot of all. 
The tavern instinct of our Saxon forefathers is the 
chief impulse, aside from the desire for the drink itself, 
which draws their hosts within the saloons that line 
our streets. This instinct must be reckoned with. It 
is deep-seated, and will resist to the end any effort to 
deprive it of the means of its satisfaction. It is a 
strong opponent of the temperance agitator who advo- 
cates the unconditional and immediate abolishment of 
the saloon, and the strength of the resistance is in pro- 
portion to the reality of the human need which it repre- 
sents. The saloon is the centre of the social life of 
hundreds of thousands of the dwellers in our cities. 

If the question is asked. Where do the other thou- 
sands who are not patrons of the saloon find their social 
recreation ? the answer is easy. They have comfort- 
able homes. They have sufficient means to secure a 
large variety of social enjoyment. In quest for the 
society of their fellows, they step from their homes to 
their clubs. The word " club " suggests the group, the 



46 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

circle just beyond the family, to which belong immedi- 
ate friends and neighbors, those associated by business 
ties, by political or by social sympathies. The multi- 
plication and development of these groups form an 
interesting chapter in recent social history. This 
development has followed naturally the phenomenal 
growth of urban population. Where a district is more 
sparsely inhabited, the relations are more personal and 
less artificial, but where thousands are thrown together 
within a limited ai-ea, the social relation must be in 
groups, to which belong those whom some common in- 
terest unites. 

Such is the genesis of the modern club, which forms 
such a prominent feature of city life. Even homes of 
luxury and refinement do not suffice to satisfy the so- 
cial instinct. Little wonder, then, if what seems neces- 
sary and attractive to a rich man should be even more 
indispensable to those whose homes lack the most 
meagre comforts. 

A serious difficulty which confronts all the clubs of 
the working people is the lack of suitable club-rooms. 
This difficulty is not felt by the rich, by the men of 
moderate means, or by the clerks or skilled workmen 
in any profession ; but it becomes a problem to the 
great number of unskilled laboring men. The wage 
which barely suffices to support the family does not 
admit an extra charge for the rental of a club-room 
however modest that may be. It is just here that the 
saloon makes its appeal. Here is a club with no rental 
to pay, where a man has that same satisfaction which 
his rich neighbor finds in his club-rooms. Here groups 
are natm-ally formed from among those habitually meet- 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 47 

ing in the same place. Hither groups already formed 
come to meet because they have no other shelter. The 
saloon has been quick to see its advantage and to make 
the most of it. The process by which its hold is in- 
creased through the club instinct which it fosters and 
satisfies is an interesting study. 

This process begins with the boys, who already possess 
the instinct for organization. Nearly every boy in all 
our cities has his club of intimate friends. This club 
is familiarly called " the gang " or " the push ; " and 
these clubs all taken together form the source of that 
great stream which a few years later fills the saloon, 
packs the primary, crowds the docket and the prison. 
The life of these clubs is very simple. Their chief aim 
seems to be to avoid the police, and to perform all 
kinds of " stunts " on the streets, in vacant lots, or 
wherever they can find a field of operation. A leader, 
selected by virtue of his native ability rather than by 
formal ballot, a signal, and a rendezvous are the only 
essentials of their organization. Any one who can run 
is eligible for membership. The meeting-place is the 
"corner," the wharf, or the street in summer, and in 
winter, a lumber pile, a shed, or some deserted build- 
ing. "Nightly, after supper, the boys drift to their 
corner, ^ not by appointment, but naturally. Then en- 
sue idle talk, jawing-matches, rough jokes, and horse- 
play. No eccentric individual gets by the gang with- 
out insult. Nearly every gang has ' talent,' one or two 
members who can sing, perhaps a quartette, also a buck- 
dancer, one or two who can play on the jews'-harp, 
and a funny man. Not infrequently the singing, the 
^ The City Wilderness, j). 116. 



48 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

horse-play, or the dancing is interrupted by the rounds- 
man. At the sight of the brass buttons there is an 
excited call of ' Cheese it ! ' and singing or talking, as it 
may be, is suddenly stopped ; the gang disbands, dis- 
solves, and the boys flee down alleys, into doorsteps 
and curious hiding-places, and reappear only when the 
' cop ' is well down the street," Where the boys have 
an indoor meeting-place, a little home-made apparatus 
for a " gym " is often found. As a rule, however, the 
telephone poles and the cables which they support form 
their principal gymnasium. Smoking is the rule, for 
cigarettes have a strong hold, and spare pennies are 
commonly invested in them or in dime novels. Such 
are the clubs of our street boys. 

The saloon begins at the very start to get hold of 
the people and to provide for their social life. Where 
the boys are driven about the streets like so many 
vagrant animals, the saloon opens for them a bright 
and cheery refuge. At an early age they are saloon 
patrons, for the law prohibiting sales to minors is com- 
monly disregarded. In Chicago and other cities rooms 
furnished with billiard and pool tables, cards and other 
games are often placed at their disposal, A low price 
is charged for a game of billiards, and five cents will 
always pay for a glass of beer. Thus the boys begin 
the drink habit, and become frequenters of the saloon. 

The young men's social or pleasure clubs represent 
doubtless, by a process of natural selection, the best of 
the boys' clubs, such as have not been broken up by 
acts of disorder or by a pi-ocess of general disintegra- 
tion. Club life now takes on the more dignified form 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 49 

of a definite organization, although the purpose may be 
vague. As one young man expressed it, " The police- 
man would n't let us stand on the corner, so we thought 
we 'd get together and form a club." The club meets 
in some inexpensive room furnished according to the 
means of the members. If the club membership is 
large enough, an entire house may be hired and fur- 
nished. The rooms serve as a loafing -place for the 
members, and also as a place for occasional social enter- 
tainments. In the poorer of these clubs there is nothing 
to attract but the bare room itself, with its chairs and 
card tables. Sometimes a ring and boxing-gloves be- 
tray the character of the club. Pictures of " Pompa- 
dour Jim " and other celebrities of the ring and stage 
adorn the walls. In the better clubs the rooms are 
carpeted. There is a piano, a small collection of books, 
and some gymnastic apparatus. There are all kinds of 
clubs, recreative, political, dancing, athletic, bicycle, 
and even literary clubs. All of them, however, are 
social organizations, since the special activity occupies 
but a subordinate place in the club life. To the club- 
rooms the members come each evening to play cards, to 
smoke, and to have a good time. Occasionally enter- 
tainments are provided, consisting of comic songs, buck- 
dancing, story-telling, etc. The " girls " are often in- 
vited to these entertainments. All the clubs have 
their annual balls, and many have picnics or outings in 
the summer, offering prizes for athletic competition. 
The character of the annual balls differs with the 
character of the clubs. Some of them are doubtless 
thoroughly orderly and respectable ; others are fre- 
quented by bad women, and intoxication is common. 



60 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

The number of these clubs in any city is extremely 
difficult to estimate. Their existence is at best a pre- 
carious one, and they are often broken up because of 
disorder, or the failure of members to pay their dues. 
A careful census would reveal a large number of them. 
In Philadelphia the number was estimated at seven 
hundred, and in Cincinnati at one thousand. It would 
not be too much to say that in the poorer sections of 
any large city, at least one club would be found exist- 
ing to every hundred young men in the district. 

The bicycle club does not differ in its general form 
of organization and social activity from any other 
social club. The members make the house their meet- 
ing and loafing place in the evenings and during the 
idle hours. Some of them began as social clubs and 
upon application were admitted into the Association of 
Bicycling Clubs. Nearly all of them have their rooms 
open the year round. It is on Saturday afternoons and 
on Sundays that these clubs are especially active, but 
the members seem to " drop around evenings " pretty 
regularly. As regards the drink habit, it is not likely 
that any distinction can be made between these and 
other social clubs. The idea that the athletic bias 
leads to abstinence is a plausible but unfortunately 
not a tenable hypothesis. When the cycling season 
begins, the road-house or the brewery profits where the 
saloon loses. A member of one club said that when 
runs are held a keg of beer is opened, as a rule, for 
from thirty to thirty-five riders. 

The value of all of these young men's clubs as social 
substitutes depends on the degree to which the drink 
habit prevails, and upon their relation to the saloon. 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 61 

Few members of any of these chibs are total abstainers. 
At this age they are fully accustomed to their di'ink. 
A certain proportion of the clubs doubtless exist solely 
for the purpose of social drinking. The members 
meet at their clubs rather than at the saloon, only 
because it is a more comfortable way to drink. It is 
sometimes difficult to obtain Sunday beer from the 
saloons. In the clubs it can be bought in advance 
and freely dispensed to all comers. At the balls and 
entertainments intoxication is very common. The 
dance hall is sometimes offered free of charge by the 
brewing companies that supply the beer. Some of the 
clubs are regularly licensed and have bars of their 
own, but this is not common. Where the license is 
obtained, the consumption of liquor is generally very 
great. Liquor selling to members has always been 
an easy way to raise revenue among rich and poor 
licensed clubs alike. It would probably be found to 
be true of them all, that the sale of liquor alone suf- 
fices to pay the running expenses of the club. 

The relation of these clubs to the saloon calls for 
comment. It would be going too far to say that the 
saloon-keeper always views them with a friendly eye. 
It all depends upon the influence that he can obtain 
over them. If this is slight, then they become his 
rivals, for either they foster sobriety, or else the money 
that used to find its way into the tills of the saloon is 
now paid directly to the brewer. But any hostility 
which the saloon-keeper feels is carefully concealed. 
He tries in every way to connect the clubs with his 
saloon. He throws open his rooms for entertainments, 
provides music for dances free of charge, or offers at a 



52 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

small cost a much larger and better club-room than could 
be obtained elsewhere for a large rental. Sometimes 
he makes an effort himself to organize such clubs and 
have them meet at different nights in his saloon. 
Either he or the bartender is, in nearly every instance, 
a member of the club. 

Aside from the question of drunkenness, it is doubt- 
less true that the moral tone of many of the pleasure 
clubs is very low. There is published in Chicago a 
leaflet called the "West Side Amusement World," 
issued weekly. On the inside cover is printed a list 
of about seventy of these pleasure and sporting clubs. 
The six columns of " Club Boys' Gossip " that follow 
are the quintessence of a cheap and disgusting vulgar- 
ity that mirrors a very low order both of intelligence 
and morality. If the paper represents fairly the life 
of these Chicago clubs, there is little good that can be 
said of them. Probably many of them are above the 
level of their " organ," but very often one would 
look in vain to these clubs for anything even nega- 
tively creditable. 

But there is another side to all this. For one thing, 
it must be said in all fairness, the clubs of the jsoor 
will probably bear very favorable comparison with 
those of the rich both as regards intoxication and 
social vice. In some of them liquor is absolutely 
prohibited ; in many more, drunkenness is a rare occur- 
rence. If the rooms are well furnished, it becomes of 
personal interest to the members to protect the joint 
property from damage such as drunken carousing 
always carries with it. Then, too, a club does not like 
to acquire a reputation for drinking, nor to arouse the 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 63 

suspicion tliat it is selling liquor contrary to law. The 
self-respecting clubs have no connection with the sa- 
loons, and discourage their members from patronizing 
them, for it must be remembered that a certain amount 
of respectability is necessary for existence. These 
clubs in a sense are self-regulating. Their evolution 
must tend either to respectability or to early extinc- 
tion. As a rule, they recognize this and keep within 
certain limits. The penalty of failure is the forfeiture 
of their existence. Again, one must remember that 
the alternative of these clubs is not the Christian 
Association rooms or the parish house, but the saloon. 
The more one studies them, the less inclined one is 
to condemn them as a whole. Some of them re- 
present an earnest effort on the part of their mem- 
bers to provide a helpful kind of club life in a small 
way. They mark the first effort of the working people 
to get, as one of them expressed it, " on their own 
social resources." The feeling of club pride which 
certainly exists is in itself some guarantee of good. 
Yet what impresses one the most, as one considers 
these clubs in the aggregate, is neither the good nor 
the bad that is in them, but rather the opportunity 
for social service which they present. 

Young men rarely remain after marriage in the 
clubs which we have just been describing. The mar- 
ried man has clubs of his own, but they cease to be 
purely social or pleasure clubs. Some more serious or 
definite purpose now enters into his conception of a 
club. It is probable that life itself becomes a more 
serious thing to him, and he is brought to face and to 



54 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

deal personally with conditions wliich before now have 
not concerned him. 

One of these purposes which serve to bring men to- 
gether is inherent in our democratic form of govern- 
ment. Politics is a common bond everywhere, but 
nowhere more strikingly than in America. Unfortu- 
nately what might be a helpful and educative form of 
association has, under the well-known system of poli- 
tics now operative in our large cities, become very 
unsatisfactory and even hurtful in its effects. The 
" political club," as it exists among the poorer people 
in all large centres of population, is not a forum for 
the discussion of current issues so much as a conven- 
ient means for "bunching" votes for the next election. 
The number and activity of these clubs depend directly 
upon the nearness and the importance of the election. 
Some clubs revive only at the approach of the cam- 
paign, in order to share the bounty of the politician. 
Few clubs can resist the pecuniary offers of a political 
campaign. In fact, such readiness to improve the 
opportunity has become almost a matter of course. 
From what has been said of the relation of the saloon 
to politics, it may be gathered that the influence of 
the saloon upon such clubs is considerable. It is the 
exception to find the political clubs without a bar or 
without some visible connection with the saloon. For 
a great many of these clubs, it serves as the headquar- 
ters. Many more are harbored in rooms furnished for 
the purpose, and in a still larger number the saloon- 
keeper is an influential factor even if he is not a mem- 
ber or an official. For these reasons political clubs 
cannot rank hioli as social substitutes for the saloon. 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 55 

An exception must be made perhaps of one form of 
political association in whose clubs the educational ele- 
ment is decidedly in evidence. The growing impor- 
tance of the socialist or socialist labor party is inter- 
esting from many points of view. For our purpose it 
is sufficient to note that the object sought for does 
unite the men in a very real and earnest way. They 
represent the collective expression of the thoughtful 
workingman of a certain type. They are not a great 
factor in the life of the city, and do not attract the 
more practical wage-earners just because they are 
idealistic and care less about immediate results than 
about ultimate principles. " We can afford to wait " 
is a word one hears often among them. They labor to 
advance the cause of scientific socialism by means of 
lectures, debates, papers, and other educational meth- 
ods. This is seen in the names of the clubs. They 
are " The Working Men's Educational Club," " The 
Socialists' Educational Club," or " The Socialist Lit- 
erary Club." The men are usually middle-aged, and 
the majority of them are often foreigners. Their or- 
ganization is a loose one, and they welcome any who 
care to come to their lectures and discussions. These 
form the chief feature of their club life, although 
other means of recreation are sometimes provided in 
their rooms, which are usually the headquarters of their 
party in the district in which the club is located. But 
the social features seem intended chiefly to make the 
club an attractive rendezvous as a place for the teach- 
ing of socialism. Some of -the clubs are very large, 
counting over one thousand members. They gather 
each evening and on Sundays by the hundred in 



66 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

their rooms and engage in discussions or carry on 
regular class-work. Their meeting-place, like that of 
all other clubs of which we have spoken, is often in 
or over the saloon, where they are expected to " drop " 
fifteen or twenty cents a night per member. The ten- 
dency and the wish of the officers and better class of 
members is to move into quarters of their own, but 
these are hard to find, and members object to paying- 
more for rent than seems to be necessary. Clubs of 
this kind furnish the educational stimulus in the lives 
of their members, and the fact that their activity is 
not intermittent, like that of many other political clubs, 
distinguishes them, and gives them a special value in 
the movement for displacing the saloons. 

Another purpose which furnishes a bond of union 
among workingmen is their work itself and the con- 
ditions which affect it. Here is a common platform 
which excludes none but the very lowest members of 
the social order. The different trade unions repre- 
sent a solid constituency of nearly a million wage- 
earners devoted to the object of their organization, 
with a firm control over their members, and a consti- 
tution which compels allegiance. We are dealing here 
with a social phenomenon meriting our most careful 
attention. The attitude of this great body of laboring- 
men toward the saloon is of the utmost importance. 
It has been felt for some time that organized labor 
largely holds the key to the situation in its own hands ; 
that when the wage-earner perceives it to be for his 
own good to sever connection with the liquor traffic, 
the great hold of the saloon upon the community must 
be appreciably lessened ; but if, on the other hand, the 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 57 

workingmen show no power of initiation in their own 
behalf, then the reformers are dealing with a dead 
weight. The question which arises is, What is the at- 
titude of this great body of workingmen toward the 
saloon, and what influence is it exerting to lessen the 
hold of the saloon upon its members and to provide for 
them social opportunities apart from it? 

In the first place, it is certain that the life of any- 
trade union is penetrated with a very earnest purpose. 
Its ultimate desire is the welfare of its members in a 
very large sense. At its best the aim is neither too 
broad nor too narrow. Its programme does not reach 
to wide and shadowy schemes for social reform, nor 
content itself simply with a clamor for more wage 
and fewer hours. Labor leaders to-day have a direct 
thought for the better moral condition of the working- 
men of the country. The union, although intensely 
clannish and self-centred within its bounds, seeks to 
evolve a more intelligent order of workingmen, to 
raise the character and the capacity of skilled labor in 
all its varied branches. 

An isolated laboring man, exposed to all the tempta- 
tions of his environment, is taken up, on becoming a 
member of a trade union, into a higher order of corpo- 
rate life. He finds himself invested with the dignity of 
his order. He is less inclined to waste his time and 
money in the saloon, to weaken his character and de- 
stroy his usefulness by intoxication ; he is more inclined 
to economy and to self-respect ; he enters more and 
more into the life and aims of his order, and finds 
himself upon a plane where the coarser appeals of 
the saloon fail to move him. His spare time is now 



58 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

occupied, and he is kept busy between meetings. The 
trade-union papers are made the starting-point for dis- 
cussions of larger questions of state or national policy 
having a lively interest in their bearing upon the wel- 
fare of their little group. Then, too, insurance fees 
compel a certain amount of saving each month ; and 
when this feature is absent, frequent assessments are 
made in case of sickness, accident, or death. Women 
take a lively interest in the numerous activities of the 
union, either as active members or in auxiliary societies, 
as among the railway employees. In all these ways 
the life of the union tends to raise the life of the indi- 
vidual. It gives him ideals, education, common inter- 
ests, fraternal feeling and responsibility for the welfare 
of others. Imagine some such influence at work among 
a million wage-earners of the country, and its effect in 
raising them above the common saloon level can be 
felt even if it cannot be estimated in fixed terms. By 
its very object, the trade union seems pledged to in- 
crease sobriety among its members. 

But we may go further than this. Nearly all of the 
unions have well-defined constitutions. In most of 
them the attitude of the union toward the liquor traffic 
is clearly set forth, and in many of them the position is 
made very emphatic. An inquiry into the attitude of 
organized labor in the United States toward the saloon 
has yielded most interesting and, we may say at once, 
most encouraging results.^ The statistics which have 
been obtained by correspondence cover forty-five trade 
unions, with a total membership of 531,804, thus repre- 

1 This report, which may be found in the Appendix, was prepared 
for the editors by Dr. E. W. Bemis. 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 59 

senting nearly two thirds of the American nnions hav- 
ing a national organization and more than two thirds 
of the membership of such organizations. The statistics 
show that one union in every five is by its constitution 
directly opposed to the saloon ; one in every three is 
at least generally opposed to it ; while only about twenty- 
five per cent of all the unions seem to have no definite 
policy in relation to the liquor traffic. Such a result 
is certainly encouraging, and indicates even better 
things to come. 

When we look more directly, however, at the social 
work which is being attempted by the trade unions, 
the outlook is not so encouraging. In the first place 
their organization is not democratic. Laboring men 
must subscribe to the constitution and swear allegiance 
to the organization before they can become members. 
As a consequence not more than from ten to twenty 
per cent of the laboring men of the country are at pre- 
sent members of the unions. Again, their meetings 
take place very infrequently and are taken up largely 
with routine business. No union meets more than 
once a week, and often the meetings are held but once 
a month, sometimes only on call. In Denver the aver- 
age interval is twelve days between the meetings of 
fifty-four unions of all kinds. In New Haven, out 
of eighteen unions, forty-five per cent meet but once 
a month, and forty per cent once a fortnight. The 
rest meet at irregular intervals. It can be readily seen 
that under these circumstances there is no continuity 
of social life. It is a rare thing to find the rooms of 
a union suitable in any way for social meetings. In 
New York, out of ninety labor organizations which 



60 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

belong to the Amalgamated Federal Union, only two or 
three have social rooms. In Cleveland, the Knights of 
Labor have been trying for over a year to have a gen- 
eral social evening once a fortnight, with little success. 
In Chicago, out of one hundred and twenty-six organ- 
izations, only four have club-rooms with any social 
features connected with them. Sometimes when the 
room has a bar attached, social life appears. Thus in 
the German unions, which more commonly than others 
permit the sale of intoxicants, there is much more social 
life than in the other unions. A ball is often given 
annually, or a " labor play," which necessitates constant 
rehearsals during the winter months ; but as a rule 
the social life of trade unions is reduced to a minimum. 
Just why this should be so is not easy to say. It is 
due, at least in part, to the feeling that the union 
stands for the serious rather than the play side of life. 
Our American unions need to recognize the economic 
importance of the right kind of play for workingmen. 
Higher wages and shorter hours mean greater opportu- 
nity for recreation, and for this organized labor must 
make provision. Another reason why more social life 
is not found within the unions is that they cannot 
afford to pay the rental for rooms sufficiently ample to 
permit of much social life. A textile union which 
changed its place of meeting to a building in which other 
social organizations were accustomed to meet observed 
at once the benefits of the amusement features of the 
other organizations, and voted to add such features to 
the programme of their own union. It is very probable 
that many unions would make provision for the social 
life of their members if they could afford suitable meet- 
ing-places. 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 61 

Just as in the case of the small boys' clubs, so with 
these adult and serious organizations the saloon be- 
comes the meeting-place. It is probable that this habit 
is much more common than even the labor leaders 
themselves are aware. When one begins to investigate, 
the column foots up rapidly. In Buffalo, an actual 
count showed that no less than sixty-three out of 
sixty-nine labor organizations held their meetings in 
some hall connected with a saloon. In other places 
the preponderance was so decided as to discourage the 
investigator, who had thought to find in the union an 
effective substitute for the saloon. The fault, as we have 
seen, does not lie by any means wholly with the trade 
unions. They have always claimed that they could not 
find other suitable places without putting themselves 
under obligation to institutions of whose purpose they 
did not entirely approve. This claim is not an idle 
one. The head of a settlement in one of our largest 
cities has said that he could not recall in the entire city 
a single hall conveniently located, with the exception 
of that of the settlement, which labor organizations 
could obtain at a reasona.ble price. In consequence, 
they are driven to the saloons. The proprietor is only 
too glad to supply a hall at a very low rental, and trust 
to his bar receipts to repay him, which they amply do. 
A labor leader, himself a total abstainer, once said ^ that 
he felt a sensation akin to shame when he passed the 
bar night after night without paying his five cents for 
a drink. The secretary of a trade union once applied 
for a room in a settlement building in which his union 
might meet once a week. He was told that the terms 

' From the Chicago report. 



62 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

would be $150 a year. He said that it would be im- 
possible to pay that price, since they were then paying 
for the privilege of meeting in a much larger hall the 
sum of but -f 40 a year. This hall was connected with 
a saloon. Upon inquiry, he admitted that the average 
attendance at their meetings was two hundred and 
fifty, and that probably on an average the members 
would drink two glasses of beer per meeting. It was 
pointed out to him that the union actually paid the 
proprietor $25 a week for beer, out of which, accord- 
ing to the standard estimate, $12.50 would be profits, 
so that the actual amount paid by the union was sev- 
eral times greater than the rental asked for the hall 
not connected with the saloon. He admitted the truth 
of this, and added that he felt that the saloon was 
detrimental to the serious work of their organization, 
but said that their members were so much accustomed 
to the scheme of indirect taxation by collecting most 
of the actual room rent from trade in beer that they 
would be alarmed to be directly taxed for a sum actu- 
ally much smaller than that which they were then 
paying. In New York on Tenth Street is a saloon 
known as the Casino. No less than twenty-eight asso- 
ciations of various kinds meet there each week in 
rooms connected with the saloon. The bar-room occu- 
pies the front half of the basement. On the walls are 
photographs of members of the various clubs and lodges 
which assemble there. About twenty letter-boxes be- 
longing to societies are arranged along one side of the 
room. Sometimes the saloons will plant themselves 
directly beneath or adjacent to a trade-union hall. It 
will take on the name of the union and call itself the 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 63 

" Unionist " or the " Building Trades Exchange." 
The men will get their meals there, paying five cents 
for a lunch and a glass of beer, and stand about look- 
ing for work. 

Yet the unions are not unappreciative of better 
thing's or loath to avail themselves of them. In Bos- 
ton the Central Labor Union has its headquarters in 
the Wells Memorial Institute, in the South End. The 
Central Federated Union of New York recently voted 
to meet in a hall owned by the University Settlement. 
For eighteen years they had met in a dark, dirty hall 
over a saloon. After the first meeting in their new 
quarters, one of the men came to the head of the settle- 
ment and expressed his satisfaction in meeting in a 
place which was clean. One of the leading members 
also remarked that he was confident that the proceed- 
ings of the body would be more dignified in their pre- 
sent habitation. Shortly after a resolution was moved 
and passed instructing a special committee to arrange 
that an hour and a half should be given on the first 
Sunday of each month to the discussion of economic 
and social problems. The passage of such a resolution 
so soon after meeting in the new hall is an interesting 
indication of the progress which unions would make 
under more favorable conditions. As American trade 
unions become more fixed in their ideals, there must be 
a growing desire to free themselves from any attach- 
ment to the saloon. 

There is one other social organization which exists 
among the people, and supplies the wide fellowship 
which is inherent in club life. The lodge, the secret 



64 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

orders, the fraternal and beneficiary societies which 
exist in such large numbers all over the country, have 
a place in the social life of the people which we must 
endeavor to estimate.^ 

The number of these societies at present existing in 
the United States is about six hundred. The present 
membership, including Canada, exceeds five millions or 
approximately one fifteenth of the entire population. 
The financial operations of all these societies involve 
millions of dollars annually, and the obligations as- 
sumed by them hundreds of millions. 

It is surprising to note how rapid has been the de- 
velopment of these societies in recent years. Of about 
575 societies whose date of organization could be ascer- 
tained, only fourteen per cent were founded before 
1880 ; twenty-two per cent between 1880 and 1890 ; 
twenty-three per cent between 1890 and 1895 ; and 
forty-one per cent between 1895 and 1900. It will be 
seen that eighty-six per cent are only twenty years 
old ; nearl}^ one fourth are between five and ten years 
old ; and more than forty per cent are five years old 
or less. The aggregate membership of these societies 
has doubled within the last ten years, and increased 
approximately twenty-five per cent within the last five. 
Of the hundreds of societies existing in this country 
to-day, only three claim a very early origin ; two were 
formed early in the nineteenth century, half a dozen 
less significant societies were organized before the Civil 

1 A report on fraternal societies was prepared for the editors by Pro- 
fessor B. H. Meyer of the University of Wisconsin. Portions of this 
report relating especially to the protective and legislative features of 
these societies may be found in the annals of the American Academy 
of Political and Social Science, 1901. 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 65 

War, and all the others have been organized since 
18G8. It is largely a very recent development with 
which we have to do. Nothing better illustrates the 
growing demand for fellowship in our day. 

Two main causes will account for this social develop- 
ment : one is the demand for fraternity, the club spirit, 
which is the spirit of our age ; the other is the desire 
for insurance, for the pecuniary benefits which all 
these organizations offer. The fraternal and the com- 
mercial ideas combine in giving these organizations 
their great hold upon men of all grades and callings. 
Add to this the ritual and the secrecy of the orders, 
their democracy and their philanthropy, and it is not 
difficult to understand their rapid growth. 

Their social value depends ultimately upon the com- 
parative estimate which is put by them upon the fra- 
ternal or the commercial idea. Here it is impossible 
to give any statistics or specific statements. But this 
may be said, that the oldest and largest of these socie- 
ties exalt the fraternal side of lodge life, and adminis- 
ter relief in the fraternal spirit ; but that by far the 
larger number of the more recent societies are domi- 
nated by the commercial idea, and minimize the social 
opportunities which such an organization presents. It 
is true of all the fraternal and beneficiary orders of 
America to-day that they are at the parting of the 
ways. One or the other of these ideas is to get the upper 
hand. Either the orders will become largely insurance 
societies, or they will become real social organizations 
with benefit features. Needless to say the latter ideal 
is the nobler, and towards its realization all who have 
at heart the interests of these societies should labor. 



66 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

The great majority of these orders have, of course, 
some social features in connection with their meetings. 
Initiations and the granting of degrees absorb some 
attention. On these occasions ritualistic exercises are 
generally performed. Organizations in which insur- 
ance plays an important part devote time to the exam- 
ination of death proofs and the payment of claims. 
Debates on the policy of the lodge and conferring of 
benefits occupy some time. In addition, musical and 
literary programmes are often provided with readings, 
essays, debates, and the like. But the most important 
part of the social life is doubtless the intimate fellow- 
ship of the members. When we consider that the 
largest and best of these societies at least are recruited 
from all classes, the worth of such a social order is 
evident. It is this spirit of brotherhood which is the 
particular boast of all these orders. It is ujaon this 
that they lay peculiar emphasis in estimating the social 
value of the organization. 

An important part of the social life of some lodges 
is the influence of women members. Less than ten 
societies are composed exclusively of women, and of 
these several are auxiliary to men's societies. Prob- 
ably not more than fifty societies admit both men 
and women. But where the w^omen are present, it is 
unquestionable that their membership is an extremely 
important and beneficent feature of lodge life. Occa- 
sions are all too few in the life of the wage-earner 
where men and women are brought together in a social 
way. 

But when all has been said, the fact remains that 
the amount of continuous social life which even the 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 67 

most fraternal of these societies actually offers its 
members is limited, and altogetlier out of proportion 
to its opportunities. Lodge meetings do not occur 
more than once or twice a month. Even if every 
meeting were attended by every member, the demand 
made upon the time of the individual by the lodge is 
not large enough, and the opportunities given the 
member for the satisfaction of his social needs are not 
adequate to insure his remaining away from the saloon. 
Lodge-rooms are deserted except at the stated hours 
of meeting, and then only a small proportion of mem- 
bers are in attendance. There appears to be no good 
reason why lodge-rooms should not be used as club- 
rooms and remain open, as all other social club-rooms 
are open, every day and night in the week. At pre- 
sent fraternal societies cannot seriously be regarded as 
a substitute for the saloon except during the few hours 
of social meeting. But if the rooms were always open 
they would act as such continually throughout the 
hours of any day. 

If it is impossible to ascribe a large direct work of 
substitution to the fraternal societies as at present con- 
ducted, it is equally impossible to speak unequivocally 
of their relation to the saloon and to the liquor busi- 
ness. Yet it may be said of them that their position 
is beyond what we might reasonably expect of so large 
a body of men in our present state of ethical develop- 
ment in relation to the liquor problem. Several fra- 
ternities, like the Knights of Columbus, are first of 
all temperance societies. All or nearly all of the 
societies refuse to admit to membership any who are 
engaged in the sale and traffic of intoxicating liquors. 



68 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

This in itself is an important measure, not that it in- 
sures sobriety on the jaart of the members, but because 
it places a stigma upon the liquor traffic, and expresses 
a moral disapproval of it. But further than this, no 
one who drinks to excess is admitted to membership. 
It is observable that the insurance and benefit features 
of these societies have a bearing here. If the benefi- 
ciary work is on the life-insurance plan, an habitual 
drinker becomes a hazardous risk ; if it is on the fra- 
ternal plan, his needs demand more than his share of 
the funds. In these ways, then, the fraternal and 
beneficiary societies discourage and condemn the traffic 
and the consumption of liquors. 

The public practices of some of these orders arouse the 
suspicion that their moral standards are none too high. 
Periodical picnics and excursions take place, and these 
are not always free from excesses ; nor does the disci- 
pline of the lodge seem strong and severe enough to 
prevent their recurrence on similar occasions in the 
future. The bringing together of large numbers of 
men under the auspices of the order, removing theui 
from the restraining influences of home associations, 
doubtless has its unfortunate results. 

In regard to the location of the lodge-rooms much 
the same report must be made as in the case of the 
trade unions. Investigation shows that in almost any 
large city, " the lodge-room is located in a building, 
the ground floor or basement of which is occupied by 
a saloon ; and when there is an exception, you will 
find a saloon in its immediate neighborhood. It will 
be found, too, that the saloon-keeper looks for his cus- 
tom to these lod<re members ; the saloon becomes most 



THE CLUBS OF THE PEOPLE. 69 

profitable where there is the greatest travel and the 
largest number of people congregate ; and whatever 
may be the influence of these organizations on the 
saloon problem, it is a fact easily demonstrated that 
the lodge-room and the saloon are near neighbors. 

" But in modern life the best of men cannot always 
designate who their neighbors shall be ; and the close 
connection between the lodge-room and the saloon 
seems to be a coincidence, at least in many instances, 
rather than cause and effect. In smaller towns the 
choice of lodge-rooms is usually greatly restricted, and 
it sometimes happens that the hall above a saloon is 
the only one available. Instances have also been re- 
corded where saloon-keepers have set up their places 
of business after the lodge had been established. But 
after all, the habits of the members of a lodge are 
much more important than externals, and a conscious 
effort is often made on the part of the officers of a 
lodge to secure rooms away from the saloons." 

The fraternal system stands for self-control and 
voluntary restraint on the part of the individual, 
rather than for prohibition. It recognizes differences 
among men ; it exercises authority over the weak ; it 
encourages mutual helpfulness, and that kindly per- 
sonal assistance which transforms men. On the whole, 
our judgment of fraternal and beneficiary societies 
ought to be favorable and appreciative. It could be 
wished, however, that its leaders would seek a still 
further divorce between its meeting-places and the 
saloon, and that they would seek to develop its social 
features, and to make the lodge-rooms places of daily 
resort, instead of occasional meetings. 



CHAPTER rV. 

CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 

The club life of the people evidently does not lack 
reality. The worst thing that can be said about a club, 
that it fails to attract or to interest, cannot be said of 
these clubs as a rule, for they do both. They are full 
of life and vigor, since they represent the actual interests 
of the different classes whose social instincts they help 
to satisfy. But the defects of the clubs which have 
been described are apparent ; for taking them just as 
they are, it must, in all truth, be said that they afford 
very little wholesome opportunity for recreation. The 
trouble lies here. Where the social life predominates, 
the club is most open to temptations which threaten its 
usefulness if not its existence ; and where the standards 
are highest, and the aim most serious, there the social 
element begins to disappear. The most serious of these 
clubs need more recreative features ; the most social of 
them need a greater moral ballast ; and all of them to- 
gether, without exception, need to be made independent 
of the saloon and its keeper, in order to lead a life of 
their own which shall both amuse and uplift. When 
the laboring man can step out of his home and go natu- 
rally, not to a saloon, but to a club which furnishes real 
comfort and some decent recreation without any depend- 
ence upon the saloon, then a long stride will have been 
taken in solving the problem of the people's leisure. 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 71 

An objection must be spoken of here which will 
occur to one more than once in the course of this dis- 
cussion. It will seem as if too little account had been 
taken of the home, the rightful centre of all legitimate 
recreation and amusements ; that the multiplication of 
clubs and reading-rooms had been recommended with- 
out apparent recognition of the danger that by these 
means the dignity of the home life will be threatened, 
if not destroyed ; that the place of woman in the social 
economy, and her necessity for freedom and relaxation, 
had been ignored. As for the last objection, atten- 
tion must be called to the limitations of the subject. 
Women, as a rule, are not saloon patrons, and there- 
fore have less need than the men of substitutes. Be- 
sides, it has been assumed that most of the agencies 
mentioned are for women's use as well as men's, and 
the importance of a social life in which both men 
and women have a part has been fully recognized. 
As for the home, nothing is more necessary than that 
it should become the chief centre of recreation after 
the day's work. The necessity for amusement and 
some outside excitement, however, still remains. And 
•the conditions under which thousands of our city toilers 
live make the " home " little more than the space neces- 
sary for eating and sleeping, to say nothing of comfort, 
and still less of social enjoyments. Some day things 
may be different. Even then, the spirit of the age 
will make itself felt upon the poor as well as upon 
the rich. If these demand their clubs, so will those, 
and they will find them in the saloon if better places 
are not provided. 

One method of supplying the need for wholesome 



72 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

club life within the reach of the ordinary saloon patron 
is to develop clubs from among those already exist- 
ing with the idea that they become self-supporting and 
be controlled by the people themselves. In forming 
these clubs two conditions must be met. In the first 
place the clubs must be given at least a decent place in 
which to meet, which has no attachment to or depend- 
ence upon a saloon, and in the next place there must 
be some esprit de corps, or sense of union, which will 
supply the individual clubs with the imj^ulse for a 
higher tone of club life. 

The difficulty of securing any club-rooms apart from 
the saloon has already been mentioned. The hostility 
of the saloon-keeper is sure to be aroused if the club 
thinks of going elsewhere, and boarding-houses and 
hotels will not harbor them. The alternative of the 
saloon-room is usually a very dismal place, lacking all 
the conveniences which the other possesses. The dues 
of these clubs rarely exceed twenty-five cents a week, 
and ten cents is the common fee. Two good rooms 
could not be rented for less than twenty-five to forty 
dollars a month, and the rental would represent but 
half of the necessary outlay. No wonder, then, that 
the saloon-rooms are eagerly sought. 

But how shall good accommodations be provided if 
the clubs cannot afford to pay for them ? Evidently 
they must come from some source where a profit is not 
expected. There is no good reason why the muni- 
cipality should not seriously consider the propriety of 
erecting in different sections of the city large plain 
buildings, which should serve solely as clubhouses for 
the different org-anizations in the district that should 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 73 

desire to meet there. In the end this would jirove 
to be a real economy. The rental could be put high 
enough to cover the running expenses and the interest 
on the capital invested, and still be within the reach of a 
hundred organizations, to which it would be a welcome 
refuge. Such a building, if it existed in almost any 
part of one of our large cities to-day, would be filled 
in a week. Clubs would come from alleys, back 
streets, tenements, and saloons. Transferred into well- 
lighted and well-ventilated rooms, the whole tone of 
their life could not fail to be improved. Equip this 
building with a gymnasium in the basement, and a 
roof garden, and it would become at once a powerful 
substitute for the saloon. The bringing together in 
the same place of so many different sets of men would 
encourage a kind of social life very different from the 
narrow sort of fellowship which is all that many of 
them know at present. Such a building would take 
its name, not from any one club, but from the district. 
It would be known as "The North End Club House," 
*' The Seventeenth Assembly District Club House," 
" The Tenth Ward Club House," etc., and in it all 
manner of clubs would find suitable lodoing. The 
housing of clubs is thus a proper field for municipal 
activity. The duty of the municipality is to provide 
for the safety and comfort of its inhabitants. A 
wholesome satisfaction of the social instinct, under 
right and safe conditions, is certainly within such a 
definition of its functions. 

A beginning in this direction has already been made. 
In New York City, by the sanction of the Department 
of Education, school buildings have been thrown open 



74 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

to clubs for boys and girls. The idea is taking hold 
that the school should be the natural social centre, 
where the whole life of the child, and not a detached 
portion of it, should receive expression. This experi- 
ment in New York originaterl in the League for Polit- 
ical Education, which recognized the excellent results 
which followed from centring the club life in settle- 
ments and parish houses, whereby the social activities 
of young boys were enlarged, and the dangers of street 
life lessened. The league saw that if this club life 
could be extended so as to use the numerous large 
school buildings in the thickly crowded portions of 
the city, the field of influence would be indefinitely 
enlarged. There were plenty of young men to take 
the leadership in such clubs, — young men who had had 
the advantage of growing up in settlement clubs, who 
were amply capable, under wise direction, of doing 
good work. But, of course, there were other expenses, 
and beyond all this the need of convincing the School 
Department that this throwing open of the doors of 
the schoolhouses in the evening would result in much 
good and no harm. Finally these difficulties were 
overcome, and several clubs were started in the school 
on Chrystie Street, between Delancey and Eivington 
streets. The clubs met weekly. They had business 
meetings, addresses or readings, and an exercise hour. 
At present the school buildings of New York are pro- 
vided with indoor playgrounds, and are the centres 
for a good deal of recreation for the children of the 
neighborhood. The drift of public opinion seems to 
be in favor of utilizing the school buildings for all 
reasonable purposes. But this is not enough. Build- 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 75 

ings are needed to be used solely for social purposes. 
Until they are provided the social life of thousands of 
the wage-earners in our great cities must continue in 
the control of the liquor dealers. 

The second need in the planting of these clubs is for 
some sense of union, some bond that shall unite the 
separate clubs into a higher unity, some association or 
guild into which they may be brought so that the spirit 
of corporate life may pervade them all and the stan- 
dard of the different clubs be gradually raised. This 
idea has been successfully applied, as is well known, to 
boys' clubs. The importance of providing good clubs 
and other means of recreation for boys and girls has 
been appreciated of late years, and no branch of social 
reform has received more attention. The hope of 
better future conditions, it has been felt, centres in the 
child. The immediate necessity, then, is to get hold of 
the child, and in early years create such interests and 
ideals that the future man and woman cannot be drawn 
into the lower life of which the saloon is often the 
exponent. The ideal club for boys and girls has not 
yet been evolved, and there are many divergent views. 
This much at least can be said with some confidence: 
the ultimate purpose of such clubs, whatever their ap- 
parent object, must be to train their members by expe- 
rience to put personal character above immediate gain, 
and to live in right relations with their fellows. For- 
mal instruction will not dominate the recreative and 
social features of the club, and the spirit of cooperation 
and the sense of responsibility will be fostered by 
every available means. It is here that the guild idea 
comes into play and solves at the same time another 



76 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

problem, that of numbers. The method of conducting 
boys' clubs at present most approved, is to combine 
the original idea of having a single large club, with the 
small group club, later developed by the settlements. 
These different groups are now united in some sort of 
guild, or federation, so that the humane, personal 
touch is not lost, and at the same time the enthusiasm 
of larger numbers is retained.^ The Columbia Park 
Boys' Association of San "Francisco is an admirable 
federation of clubs, all under one competent manage- 
ment. 

The same plan may be followed with the young men's 
social clubs. It is true that these young men's clubs 
are not so easy to reach or to influence as the boys' 
clubs. The feeling of independence, the suspicion of 
interference, the dislike of even the suggestion of moral 
improvement increases with age. It is always easier 
to reach the child than the young man, but it is still 
true that these young men's clubs will yield in the end 
to influence of the right kind, and present a splendid^ 
if difficult field for social service. All that is needed 
is, as always, the man or woman who clearly sees the 
need and determines to meet it. What is proposed is 
nothing else than the same kind of an organization or 
affiliation among the young men's social clubs as settle- 
ment workers have already accomplished with success 
among the boys' clubs. Let these clubs be taken just 
as they are, and gradually be brought together in some 
sort of guild or association, the ultimate object of which 
is to raise the tone of club life and provide wholesome 

^ The reader is referred to the article on " Boys' Clubs,'' in the 
Appendix, by Mr. William A. Clarke of Lincoln House, Boston. 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 77 

kinds of recreation. The beginning would be made 
with one club, in the hope that others would be glad to 
join. The clubs would come in gradually, as the boys' 
clubs did when the idea was first started in the East 
Side of New York. Mr. Riis has told how one of the 
clubs held aloof after the others had come in, observing 
coldly what went on to make sure it was " straight," 
until one day there came a delegate with the proposi- 
tion, " If you will let us in, we will cliange and have 
your kind of a gang." ^ It is only as the clubs of 
young men make sure that the thing is " straight " 
that they will change and have the new kind of club. 
"When Harry F. Ward became head-worker at the 
Northwestern Settlement in Chicago, he found in the 
community a club of young men calling themselves 
" The Keybosh Club." They met in saloons, played 
billiards, and told stories.^ Mr. Ward became inter- 
ested, and the settlement furnished a room in an ad- 
joining store with a combination billiard and pool table, 
and here the Keybosh, now the Kingsley Club meets. 
They were glad of the opportunity. Regular business 
meetings are held, and men of standing invited to dis- 
cuss before them various sociological problems and 
topics of current interest. As one of their members 
said : " We used to do nothing but crack jokes, and 
plan how to have a good time. Now we have something 
serious to talk about." It gave them a new view of 
life. They plan their picnics with Mr. Ward's advice, 
and the whole character of the club is greatly changed. 
What has been accomplished with one club may be 

1 See A Ten Years' War, pp. 162, 163. 

2 From the Chicago report. 



78 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

done with many, and these ehibs may thus become the 
affiliated members of a general body or guild of which 
the control will be lai'gely in their own hands. An 
illustration of such a possible federation of clubs is 
presented by the guild connected with the University 
Settlement in New York. These clubs are seven in 
number besides the children's clubs, whose members 
are under fourteen years of age. Of these seven clubs, 
one is for women, three are for girls and young women, 
two are for young men, and one for the older men. 
Each of these clubs chooses two of its members to re- 
present it upon the guild committee, which has authority 
over the social life of the different guild clubs and 
their relations with one another.^ In this connection 
it conducts, through its committees, the dancing acad- 
emy, occasional concerts and lectures, and recommends 
at times to the head-worker the organization of certain 
classes. The guild gives the clubs a sense of control 
and of fellowship both with each other and with the 
resident workers, but most essential of all is the sense 
of mutual co'operation and mutual aid which has come 
from these associations. From the start there is the 
idea that each one has something to contribute to their 
mutual well-being, and that it is only necessary to 
find in what way this contribution should be made. 
Another good effect of the association is the continuity 
of the hold it exerts upon the different clubs. As we 
have seen, the life of these clubs of the young people 
is a very precarious one ; but so soon as the corporate 
idea becomes developed, the hold upon the individual 
clubs becomes strengthened at once. One difficulty, 

1 From the New York report. 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 79 

it has been found, must be guarded against. If 
the powers delegated to the guild committee are made 
absolute, it may be found difficult to increase the num- 
ber of clubs when such an increase would seem most 
desirable. The spirit of exclusiveness is liable to 
make itself felt. At any time clubs which do not seem 
to be in favor might be barred out by the guild com- 
mittee when their admission would mean their social 
salvation. 

Here, then, we have in practical working the sugges- 
tion of the kind of organization which might be 
employed to unite the young men's clubs of the neigh- 
borhood.^ Such a woi-k among the young men's clubs 
of any city would have to be pursued with much deli- 
cacy, and results would show themselves only gradually. 
But imagine a score or more of these clubs, all of them 
composed of young men between the ages of seventeen 
and twenty-five, united in some such federation under 
the capable leadership of one who had their confidence 
and understood thoroughly their needs. The good 
that would result would be incalculable. Without at- 
tempting any striking innovations, a new tone could be 
given to the life of these clubs. Libraries could be 
placed in many of them, talks upon current topics of 
importance be provided, excursions to places of historic 
interest be planned, and other similar methods be em- 
ployed. Instead of being left to themselves, to the 
unequal conflict with their surroundings, they would be 
helped to greater self-respect. The very best way to 
provide for the social life of the people is not to plant 
new clubs, but to remake those which already exist. 

^ Such also is the Hebrew Benevolent Association of New York. 



80 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

A new club has always to overcome a certain inertia ; 
it arouses suspicion, and is often at the mercy of a 
clique which seeks to secure control only to break 
up the club. Where the beginning is made with 
clubs already existing, and the control is left largely 
in their own hands, these dangers are reduced to a 
minimum. 

These suggestions have related especially to the 
young men. Among married laboring men there 
exist few purely social clubs. Why these should not 
be found among the older laboring men in America 
as they are found in such numbers in England, it is 
hard to say, but such is the fact. The underlying 
purpose of a club among the workingmen of America 
will have its relation to politics, to the trades, or to 
insurance benefits. The most careful search has failed 
to reveal in any of our American cities native clubs 
among the older men of which the primary idea is. 
recreation and fellowship. This fact merits the most 
careful attention. To it may doubtless be traced a 
good number of those evils of whose existence we have 
been aware without understanding the cause. Social 
clubs among wage-earners are a positive necessity, es- 
pecially in our intense American life. They serve as a 
centre in which the pent-up social energy can find nor- 
mal expression. Their absence means that this energy 
will find expression in other ways. It is not fanciful 
at all to suppose that the unaccountable vagaries of 
trade unions and the disappointing success of ques- 
tionable political clubs may be due to the fact that 
matters of serious concern come up for settlement 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 81 

when neither body nor mind is in a fit state to deal 
with them. When a man comes tired and overwrought 
from his work, he needs recreation above everything. 
He ought to have a home where he can find it, and 
he ought to have clubs where the pressing problems 
of daily existence will not intrude. The remarkable 
absence of such social clubs for the wage-earners of 
America is a problem which needs to be faced in every 
city of the country. 

This need has been felt, and some effort has been 
made by those interested in working men and women 
to provide clubs for them. The People's Institute of 
New York has made a beginning with its People's 
Clubs, one of which is now in a flourishing condition. 
The plan contemplates a number of clubs in different 
parts of the city. Men and women both may become 
members. The club-rooms are always open, and occa- 
sionally receptions are given, and lectures and other 
entertainments provided. The Social Reform Club 
of New York is another interesting attempt to draw 
together thinking men and women from all walks of 
life, and to unite them in some helpful association. 
San Francisco presents a similar institution, more 
nearly approaching the ideal of a workingman's club, 
in her Labor Union Association. There is no line 
drawn here between union and non - union men, 
although the former predominate. The main purpose 
is to provide a common meeting-place, where the mem- 
bers may spend a social evening, and where they may 
debate social and economic questions. A speaker is 
often provided, and free discussion follows. Freedom 
of speech is the chief article of the constitution, and 



82 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

sjjeakers must be prepared for tlie " roasting " to 
whicli tliey are often treated. The rooms are always 
open, tliey are comfortably furnished, and provided with 
newspapers and some kind of a library. Occasional 
evenings are provided with smoke talks and entertain- 
ments or a reception. All of these clubs merit words 
of praise. They are educational, helpful, and not their 
least important service is to do away with class dis- 
tinctions, and to develop a true social democracy. 

But yet these clubs do not touch the real problem 
of the social life of the toilers in our great cities. 
What we are waiting for to-day is not so much the 
establishment here and there of a semi-social, semi- 
educational club among working men and women, as 
the inauguration of a movement which contemplates 
planting a score of clubs in every city, the sole object 
of which is to provide for the recreation of their mem- 
bers. 

The question arises, How can such people's clubs be 
provided ? The first and most natural way that sug- 
gests itself is that the trade unions themselves make 
more provision for the social enjo3^ment of their mem- 
bers. But the trade unions, even under the most 
favorable conditions, can never become the ideal social 
clubs. As Canon Barnett has said : " Clubs in which 
workingmen associate with none but workingmen, in 
which interests are all the same, in which education 
and experience are confined within comparative narrow 
limits, must be in a large sense anti-social. Class 
clubs hardly consider the needs of others or respect 
the whole of society of which they are parts." 

In the absence, then, of any clubs with which to make 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 83 

a beginning, new social workingmen's clubs must be 
formed that will unite men of all trades and creeds 
and classes for the primary purjDose of social recrea- 
tion. In America we have no precedent for such 
clubs, but England furnishes us an interesting move- 
ment of this kind which has passed the stage of experi- 
ment, and has become a settled institution among the 
wage-earners of that country. 

The success of the workingmen's club movement in 
England has been very conspicuous. Its history now 
runs over thirty years. In 1863 an organization was 
formed known as The Working Men's Club and Insti- 
tute Union.i Its purpose was to help workingmen to 
establish clubs or institutions where they might meet 
for conversation, business, and mental improvement, 
with the means of recreation and refreshment free 
from the temptations of the public house. At the 
beginning a paid secretary was hired who had for his 
duty the formation of such clubs, which were received 
into the institute upon payment of a registration fee 
of two shillings and sixpence. The first year twenty- 
two such clubs were formed. In ten years the number 
of affiliated clubs had been increased to over 245, and 
in twenty years to 500 clubs, having about 75,000 
members. This total does not include many other 
clubs which the society had been instrumental in form- 
ing, but which were not connected with it. The con- 
trol of these clubs was vested in a central council, 
originally composed of people who were interested in 
the movement and had contributed to its support, but 

1 Club Land of the Toiler, by T. S. Peppiii, B. A. J. M. Dent & Co., 
London. 



84 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

were not themselves members of the clubs. It was 
not until ten years had passed that representative 
control was thought of. In that year five dele- 
gates, elected by the affiliated clubs themselves, were 
admitted to seats in the council. In 1882 this number 
was increased to nine, but in 1884 a complete change 
was accomplished. At that time the institute became 
a legally constituted corporate body. Its management 
was now entirely in the hands of the clubs which 
belonged to it, the number of outsiders being very 
small. The good effects of this change towards a 
more democratic management were seen at once. For 
one thing, many clubs became self-supporting. Before 
the change in the management was made only about 
fifty per cent of the clubs were self-supporting, but 
ten years after the change was made, it was the excep- 
tion to find a club that did not support itself. Again 
from the financial standpoint a great gain was made. 
Prior to the change there was always a yearly deficit 
of at least £100, but in 1893 the excess of assets 
over liabilities was £1273. The control exercised by 
the central council was much more firm after the clubs 
themselves were represented. Until then it was very 
difficult to obtain reports from the clubs. In 1893 
out of the 150 clubs in London, 144 sent in returns. 
Evidently the method of democratic management has 
been shown to be essential to the success of any such 
plan. 

When we look at the character of these English 
clubs, we are met at once by the fact that they are 
purely social clubs. No attempt has ever been made 
to intrude any other motive. These clubs are nothing 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 85 

more, but nothing less, than an institution to provide 
men with the opportunity of social intercourse under 
morally innocuous conditions. The club is not regarded 
in any especial sense as a means of salvation to any- 
body. No wealthy Londoner joins his club from 
such a motive ; neither does the East End workman 
become a member of a club with any specially exalted 
purpose. These clubs have been developed by the 
workingmen to provide for themselves means of re- 
laxation. A club, wherever it exists, is simply the 
outcome of the needs of the community for social 
recreation, and must be judged by its ability to meet 
this need, and not any other need that might be 
suggested. 

But while this has remained the jjrimary motive of 
these English clubs, all of. them have certain educa- 
tional features. Of 119 clubs which sent in returns in 
1896, 83 have libraries and 68 have lectures. These 
lectures are commonly given on Sundays, but many of 
the clubs have lectures on week days as well. In addi- 
tion, classes are held in which such subjects as short- 
hand, bookkeeping, French, and literature are taught. 
In addition, the institute itself encourages educational 
work among the clubs, sends out circulating libraries, 
gives lectures at the central hall in Clerkenwell Road, 
plans excursions, etc. The clubs also become interested 
through the institute in questions of social reform that 
bear upon the life of the workingmen. The London 
clubs recently joined in a memorial to the London School 
Board asking that evening schools should be free, that 
the classes should be more largely advertised in the dis- 
trict, that working people might be associated in the 



86 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

management of these schools, and that more of the 
social and recreative element might be introduced as a 
resrular feature in connection with them. 

For amusements all the clubs supply cards and bil- 
liard tables, and have occasional entertainments, to 
which the women are always invited. Athletic and 
gymnastic exercises do not seem to have found their 
way into these English clubs, although the desirability 
of these is conceded by the managers. Excursions are 
often planned called " The Saturday Afternoon Visits," 
the object of which is to combine recreation and in- 
struction and to foster social intercourse at the same 
time. The entertainments of the clubs consist of con- 
certs and occasionally are more ambitious, professional 
talent being engaged from outside. On the whole, if 
thei-e is nothing very uplifting in the amusements of 
these clubs, at least they are free from anything objec- 
tionable. 

The most remarkable feature of these clubs, how- 
ever, remains to be mentioned. At the beginning of 
the club movement, it was the exception to find clubs 
which supplied liquor to the members ; but as time went 
on, the habit became increasingly common iintil to-day 
the majority of the city clubs have a bar. The relation 
of self-support to the pi-ovision of liquors also is seen 
to be very close. In 1871-72 alcoholic drinks were 
supplied in only fifteen clubs out of 164 sending in 
returns, and only about one third of that number were 
described as self-supporting. Five years later out of 
194 clubs which made returns, thirty-five per cent sup- 
plied beer to the members, and rather more than half 
of these clubs were self-supporting. There seems to 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 87 

be no doubt that this increased financial independence 
is to some extent due to the increased sale of drinks. 
Under democratic management this process continued, 
314 clubs, out of the 366 making returns, supplying 
liquor according to the reports of 1898, and as we have 
seen, just about this proportion of the clubs were self- 
supporting. The management of the clubs then feels 
warranted in making the assertion that, as a rule, work- 
ingmen's clubs cannot exist as self-managed and self- 
sujiporting institutions without the sale of stimulants. 

This development was certainly unexpected by the 
founders of the club movement. The primary idea of 
the founders was to strike a blow against intemperance, 
so prevalent among the industrial working classes. 
For several years, the institute made a bold stand 
against the introduction of liquors, and the same expe- 
rience was repeated year after year. Workingmen did 
not care to join temperance clubs, or, if they joined 
them, withdrew their membership when the novelty of 
the thing had worn off. It must be remembered that 
the excise laws in England do not require that a club 
which disburses liquors to its members only shall be 
licensed. In order to conform to the excise laws, the 
only rule necessary was that other than club members 
should not be able to obtain drinks by paying for them. 
In addition, in order to avoid any possible danger, the 
rule was made that no club could be admitted to the 
institute over which a control was exercised by any 
brewer or liquor dealer. The question of the result of 
the sale of liquors to members remains to be answered. 
It is claimed by the management that in few of the 
clubs is drunkenness common, and that the amount of 



88 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

money spent for drink by the members o£ the clubs is 
very moderate, on an average not over twopence a 
member per night, and that, while complaints are not 
wholly groundless, the abuses are comparatively few 
and the results upon the life of the clubs and the mem- 
bers not harmful. The claim is made that less liquor 
is drunk by the members in their clubs than would be 
drunk in the public houses, and that on the whole the 
life of the clubs is orderly. 

Such, then, is the remarkable workingmen's club 
movement in England. Summarizing the story, we 
obtain the following facts : 1. It was successfully begun 
as a philanthropic temperance movement, and had no 
serious difficulty in planting and sustaining a large 
number of workingmen's clubs. 2. It attained its 
greatest development and its financial independence 
only by permitting the clubs to govern themselves 
under careful and competent direction. 3. All educa- 
tional features were made subordinate to the primary 
idea of recreation. 4. The sale of liquor to members 
proved to be necessary for self-support, and did not 
seriously impair the usefulness of the clubs. 

There seems to be no good reason why such clubs 
should not be successful in our American cities. A 
company of men and women interested in social pro- 
gress, with means at their disposal, would engage the 
services of a skilled secretary, who would proceed to 
form such clubs from among the existing pleasure and 
political clubs, or to form new clubs composed of those 
not at present members of any purely social organiza- 
tion. There would be small initiation fees and regular 
dues. The rooms for meetino- would be chosen with 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 89 

care, the effort being to avoid connection with saloons 
on the one hand or philanthropic institutions on the 
otlier, unless these had the full confidence of the club 
members. There would be above all no taint of patron- 
age. The clubs would be given a large measure of self- 
government. This might mean the overthrow of some 
clubs because of the incapacity or jealousy of the mem- 
bers, but the danger is much less than the alternate 
danger of patronage. The idea of recreation would be 
kept uppei-most, any educational features being added 
only as they were called for. With regard to the fur- 
nishing of intoxicants, the experience of English clubs 
would not be decisive. It is true that financial inde- 
pendence is the essential condition to the permanency 
of any movement of this kind, but it may not be true 
that this can be secured only by the sale of liquors, and 
it might prove to be true that liquors could not be sold 
to the members without imperiling the life of the club. 
Here is a question, then, that woukl have to be left open 
for experience to decide. In conversation recently, a 
prominent laboring man of New York, whose father 
had been instrumental in starting the English move- 
ment, declared that the workingiuen of our great cities 
would welcome such clubs just as the English working- 
men welcomed them. He considered a bar indispen- 
sable, and thought there would be no more ill effects 
than have resulted there. He was on the point, he said, 
of beginning a similar experiment in New York when 
the Raines Law made his plan impossible. 

One word needs to be added. While women are not 
active members of the English clubs, they are frequent 
attendants at special meetings. At entertainments their 



90 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

presence is so invariable as to amount to an etiquette 
or ritual. The clubs are an aid to the home life, not a 
hindrance. A similar social development in our Ameri- 
can cities would havCj it is safe to say, the approval 
of the workingworaen, who would share directly and 
indirectly in its benefits. 

The second method of providing clubs for the j)eople 
is to make for them clubs in which the idea of self- 
support is abandoned, and in which much greater 
facilities of one kind and another are provided than 
is possible in the clubs which have been described. 
The clubs already discussed are people's clubs in the 
strict meaning of the term. The location and apjjoint- 
ment of their club-rooms and the scope of their activi- 
ties represent only what is within the reach of the 
working people themselves, and can be paid for out 
of their own pockets. But there is another form of 
working-men's clubs which is provided by private phi- 
lanthropy with club-rooms or clubhouses, furnished 
at a cost which cannot be met by the people them- 
selves. The expenses of such an establishment are 
far beyond the receipts from the membership dues, 
and are met either by endowment for the purpose, or 
by the conti-ibution of funds. Of workingmen's clubs 
of this type, there are many examples in England and 
some in our country, which may serve as illustrations 
of what has been accomplished, and of what may be 
done by any who are inclined to invest money in this 
branch of social reform. It is possible to limit the 
discussion here to the experiments which have been 
inaugurated in our own country, since they equal in 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 91 

effect any that have been attempted in England or 
on the Continent. 

There is no better illustration of a workingman's 
club of this type to be found than the well-known 
Hollywood Inn at Yonkers, N. Y. ^ The story of the 
growth of this institution contains all that can be said 
upon this form of social experiment. It is needless to 
say that a Hollywood Inn presupposes a William F. 
Cochran. The cost of the club at Yonkers was about 
8150,000, and Mr. Cochran himself estimated the run- 
ning expenses at about $3000 yearly. This amount 
for three years was to be pledged by the peoi3le of 
Yonkers before he would erect the building. The 
actual cost of maintaining the institution, however, 
was much in excess of this amount. The club began 
with a fund of -fSOOO, and this sum, together with an 
income of about '$2000 from membership dues and 
other sources, no more than met the expenses. The 
establishment and maintenance of such a club, then, 
demands a large initial outlay and yearly contribu- 
tions above its receipts from membership dues. 

The club building is a fine stone structure, forty feet 
by one hundred, and six stories in height. The base- 
ment is devoted to bowling-alleys, men's gymnasium 
and locker-rooms, with shower and needle baths adjoin- 
ing. The first floor, or main entrance, contains a 
large reception hall, offices of administration, smoking 
and music rooms, shuffle-board and coat rooms, and in 
the most conspicuous and attractive part of the floor a 
well-furnished and liberally supplied library. To this 

1 For the following description of the Inn the editors are indebted 
to the Rev. James E. Freeman of Yonkers, N. Y. 



92 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

room the wives and children of members are admitted, 
and to them the privilege of drawing books is extended. 
On the second floor are found eight pool and two 
billiard tables. The price is two cents per cue for 
the former, and thirty cents an hour for the latter. 
The tub-baths, cigar-counter, and lavatories are also 
on this floor. The third floor is occupied by a large 
hall, with gallery accommodating five hundred people. 
Here entertainments for the members are given twice 
a month, to which a member may bring his wife or 
a friend. The next floor contains the class-rooms, 
where instruction is given in mechanical and archi- 
tectural drawing, stenography, type-writing, bookkeep- 
ing, vocal music, and first aid to the injured, the last 
being one of the most popular and satisfactory depart- 
ments in the educational work. The fifth floor is 
given over entirely to boys under eighteen years of 
age, the membership fee being two dollars per annum. 
Here we have a microcosm of the larger club : game- 
rooms, gymnasium, locker and reading rooms, and 
baths. The top floor is used by the janitor and his 
assistant for their apartments. Besides this building 
the management has secured a large inclosed field, and 
a suitable clubhouse has been built for the convenience 
of members. 

The primary object of the Hollywood Inn is to fur- 
nish for men of moderate means a first-class clubhouse 
with privileges which heretofore were only afforded at 
a cost of from fifty to sixty dollars a year. It was 
designed especially as a saloon substitute ; therefore 
everything which the saloon affords that is innocent 
in itself, as pool and cards, was made a conspicuous 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 93 

feature of tlie enterprise. The institution became 
as democratic as the saloon, in which all men might 
meet without discrimination as to politics, religion, or 
social conditions. The appearance of charity was 
avoided by requiring dues, which, however, were placed 
within the reach of the poorest, — but thi-ee dollars a 
year in two successive installments. In addition, rates 
were charged for the games, but were put a fraction 
below the rates charged in the ordinary saloon. The 
baths, library, gymnasium, and entertainments were 
free to members, and the game-rooms free to all, and 
lastly the control of the club was placed partially in 
the hands of the members themselves. 

That the privileges of such an institution are apjDre- 
ciated is shown from the fact that the membership 
rose from 665 the first year to 817 the second year, 
and at present is somewhat over one thousand. Its 
membership is not limited to workingmen, and it was 
but natural that business men and clerks and others 
should have been attracted by its superior advantages. 
Yet it is gratifying to the management that of the 
present members of Hollywood Inn over five hundred 
are artisans and laboring men. 

Such is the Hollywood Inn. The experiment may 
be repeated as often as men of means feel inclined to 
invest their money in this way. The influence for 
good of such an institution upon any considerable 
body of workingmen must be far-reaching. If it does 
not empty the saloons at once, it offers a complete 
substitute for them, and must save many a man from 
their evils, and furnish him with the recreation and 
means of self-improvement that he needs. 



94 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Hollywood Inn does not stand alone. It is the most 
conspicuous example of its kind probably existing in 
the country, but many if not all of its features are 
to be found in less pretentious establishments, and it 
deserves to be noted that the Hollywood Inn Club 
existed before its present clubhouse, and that its prin- 
ciples may be employed to advantage in starting any 
club of the kind. The East Boston Athletic Club, in 
its original form, is an illustration of the same type 
of club planted by private philanthropy, and it, too, 
exerted a wide influence. The " K. " of Philadelphia 
is another example. This institution is the result of 
the generosity of a woman who gave the money for 
its purchase, and provides the funds for its mainte- 
nance. The initial letter, which has come to be its 
name, stands for those things which the club was 
planned to provide : Resort, Restaurant, Recreation, 
Reading-room, Rest, and Reformation. It is a three- 
story structure, containing lunch-room, reading-room, 
and smoking-rooms. It is open from eight o'clock in 
the morning until ten o'clock in the evening. Lectures 
are given, and discussions provided upon matters of 
current interest, political, scientific, and social. There 
is no membership list, and no organization connected 
with it, and thus the club feature is not dominant. 
Philadelphia has another institution, which is some- 
what different in character from those that have been 
described, while it still presents the essential fea- 
tures of a workingmen's club. The " Lighthouse," 
located in the heart of the great working-class district 
of Kensington, is one of the most interesting social 
institutions in the city. It had its origin in the desire 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 95 

to provide for the workingmen some social substitute 
for tlie saloons. It began in a small way in the winter 
of 1893 and 1894, when two rooms in the Episcopal 
Hospital Mission were opened every Friday and Sat- 
urday evening. The next winter found the rooms 
crowded, and in 1895 the " Lighthouse " was secured 
through assistance given by friends interested in the 
work. The entire establishment conforms to the good 
features of the saloon without any of its drawbacks. 
Its restaurant is one of the best in the city, its tem- 
perance bar is the centre of the sociability of the 
neighborhood, and it reaches a large and ever increasing 
constituency of workingmen. Here the club idea is 
prominent. The " Lighthouse " is run by the working- 
men ; it is strictly their own institution. They elect 
the officers, and transact the business. To this demo- 
cratic control may be attributed much of its success. 
All experience goes to show that such a method of 
control is essential to the success of any workingmen's 
club. The " Lighthouse " makes much of its religious 
and temperance activities, yet in its case this does not 
seem to be detrimental to its work. On the contrary, 
in the minds of its managers, it is the secret of its 
success. 

These are examples of this form of a workingman's 
club. Whether these clubs be small or large, it must 
be remembered that they are not self-supporting, that 
they depend for their existence upon gifts of money 
and yearly contributions for their support. Where 
men and women of means are inclined to give of their 
wealth to provide social opportunity for the poor, these 
experiments are sufficient to indicate how their money 



96 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

may wisely be invested, but such clubs cannot hope to 
become self-supporting institutions. 

Another form of workingmen's clubs remains to be 
noticed, in many ways the most important and promis- 
ing of them all. One of the most encouraging signs of 
the times is the growing sense of responsibility felt by 
employers for the happiness and well-being of their 
employees. This responsibility is being recognized 
each year by a larger number of mercantile and manu- 
facturing establishments which employ large numbers 
of men and women, and each year adds to the number 
of such establishments which seek to provide means for 
the recreation and improvement of their working 
forces. The motive is not wholly a philanthropic one. 
A return for every cent of expense is made in the 
increased efficiency and devotion of the employees. 
Tradesmen and manufacturers are finding that these 
enterprises have a distinct economic value. It is safe, 
therefore, to suppose that the future will witness a 
general extension among all large commercial and 
manufacturing concerns of this habit of providing suit- 
able means of recreation for the people. 

When we look at the life of young business men, the 
necessity for some sort of w^holesome social opportu- 
nity becomes very apparent. Thousands of them are 
condemned to the boarding-house in the evening, for 
they will not join religious institutions, nor can they 
afford the better class of amusements. Many walk the 
streets ; many patronize cheap amusements ; many have 
little sociables at home ; some belong to bicycle clubs ; 
some to lodges ; some take advantage of what is offered _ 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 97 

in night schools and free lectures. But the majority 
of them would be ready material for a club of their own. 
This statement was substantiated by five overseers of 
the five largest dry-goods stoi-es in New York City, 
who said that they personally would support such a 
movement, contribute money to it, and knew of many 
clerks who would be glad to do the same. One said 
his idea had always been that the large surplus of 
their benefit association should go toward some such 
club. A member of one firm said that he had been 
waiting for his clerks to express a desire in that direc- 
tion, but apparently all are ready to act if some one 
takes the initiative, collects money from outside, and 
gives the clerks an evening home. 

A beginning has already been made. One of the 
largest dry-goods stores in Boston has a musical club 
among its employees, and provides free instruction in 
choral singing. In New York a firm has established a 
school for the cash-boys, where attendance is required 
on two half days a week. Another started a literary 
and social club, with addresses, reading, and whist. 
These are but small beginnings, yet they indicate the 
drift, and illustrate what may be done and what ought 
to be done by every large retail establishment in our 
great cities. 

The degree to which such philanthropic activities 
may be carried and the results which may be achieved 
are very clearly demonstrated by the extraordinary 
success of certain manufacturing establishments in 
Europe and in America. England takes the lead in 
factory reforms and innovations. For example. Hazel 
Watson & Vinie, manufacturers of coke, and the 



98 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON, 

proprietors of factories where Sunlight and Life-buoy 
soaps are made, have provided for their employees 
clubs and schools, recreation parks and model cottages. 
In this country we have such firms as the Pope Manu- 
facturing Company of Hartford, the Warner Brothers 
Company of Bridgeport, Conn., and the National 
Cash Register Company of Dayton, Ohio. The War- 
ner Brothers employ chiefly women. Their Seaside 
Institute suggests what might well be done for men. 
A building was erected in 1886 by the company for 
the use of its employees. Its cost, including furni- 
ture, was about $75,000. It contains a restaurant, 
where lunches and meals are served at cost, a large 
reading-room and library, well equipped with popular 
books, music-room, bathroom, and lavatory. On the 
third floor are a hall and several class-rooms. The 
privileges of the building are free to all the employees 
of the comjDany. The reading-room and library have 
been well patronized. The employees have formed 
classes and have entertainments, to which men are ad- 
mitted. The Pope Manufacturing Company of Hart- 
ford has provided lunch-rooms and reading-rooms for 
the men. On an average, forty per cent of the em- 
ployees of the concern have taken advantage of these 
rooms, and more would doubtless do so were it not for 
the fact that they live within a few minutes' walk from 
the factory. The operatives have appreciated the 
advantages of the rooms, and the management feels 
that it secures a better class of men as employees than 
can be found in factories where no attention is paid to 
their comfort. 

The National Cash Register Company of Dayton, ^ as 

^ American Journal of Sociology, May, 1898. 



CLUBS FOR THE PEOPLE. 99 

is well known, has carried the idea of cooperation with 
its employees and of provision for their social needs 
further than any other manufacturing establishment 
of our country. Numerous clubs exist among the 
employees. These begin at the kindergartens, and 
after 1915 no employee is to be received who is not a 
graduate of the kindergarten. Then come the boys' 
clubs, which have a place of their own to meet in, the 
boys' brigades, and the Sunday schools. The young 
women and the mothers have guilds of their own. 
For the men there are several clubs. There is the 
Advance Club, composed of the officers, foremen, assist- 
ant foremen, heads of departments, and all in author- 
ity. Fifty members of the rank and file are chosen 
alternately from the main body of the factory em- 
ployees to take part in each meeting. These meetings 
are held in the factory theatre each Friday morning, 
the session lasting for an hour and a half of the com- 
pany's time. The object of the club is the advance- 
ment of the general interest of the company. Here 
are offered criticisms or suggestions for the benefit of 
the company or its employees. Then there is the 
Progress Club, which is the employees' club for general 
discussion of topics, such as : " Is competition the life 
of trade ? " " What training besides his trade should 
a mechanic have ? " In addition, there is the Choral 
Society, the South Park Club, the Relief Association, 
and four or five musical organizations. The company 
provides several places of meeting for these men's 
clubs. In the business centre of the city the company 
has a large hall. Here most of the organizations meet, 
and many lectures and entertainments are given for 



100 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the benefit of employees. Near the factory itself is 
the administration building, in which is a reading-room 
and a well-directed circulating library of several hun- 
dred volumes for the use of the entire working force. 
In addition there is the " N. C. R. House of Useful- 
ness." This is in reality a small social settlement for 
the benefit of the people in the neighborhood. Its 
rooms are especially valuable for influencing the boys, 
but the men come freely, and at noon fill its rooms. 
The result of these efforts is best seen in the testimony 
of a brewer who recently sold out a saloon near the 
factory and moved away, saying the nearer he came to 
the N. C. R. factory the worse it was for his business. 
If all factories would imitate even upon a small scale 
the work which has been carried on at Dayton, the 
same would be found to be true. The experience of 
this and other factories has conclusively shown that 
any manufacturing establishment which will simply 
take a good-sized room, put into it books, checkers, 
chess, and then form a club from among the em- 
j3loyees to use and control it, will be doing much to 
offset the evils of the saloon. 



CHAPTER V. 

POPULAR EDUCATION. 

" The future of the saloon depends on public sen- 
timent and economic conditions, and these will only 
improve with the advance of public education." Edu- 
cation has a commercial as well as an ethical value. 
A high average of intelligence is essential to a good 
popular government and a well-ordered society, an 
intelligence which can discriminate between the bad 
and what is good for oneself and for the welfare of the 
community. 

Education from our present point of view, that of 
the saloon substitute, brings us face to face with the 
problem of character-building, with the sentiment of all 
modern educators that we have not merely to make the 
man a better workman, but the workman a better man. 
If it holds of intemperance as of other diseases, that a 
preventive is better than a cure, we are not far from 
our subject when we discuss the value and bearing of 
secondary school education, and even the kindergarten, 
whose aim is self-realization, development of tastes, 
and good citizenship. A moment's reflection will show 
that if the school could accomplish its aim, many of the 
questions which arise concerning the saloon and its 
substitutes would be at least partially solved. The 
ideal school is so organized that the child feels a re- 
sponsibility to the body of pupils as a whole and as 



102 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

individuals, and he learns to recognize that upon his 
act depends the welfare of his little community. With 
the right methods of instruction, the position which the 
school holds as a factor in the formation of public 
sentiment and the determining of economic conditions 
can scarcely be overestimated. Grant, then, to elemen- 
tary education the great responsibility which belongs 
to it, and let every effort be made by this means to 
form characters that in due time will demand and 
obtain other kinds of recreation than the saloon affords. 
According to good authorities, only six per cent of 
the people of the United States are systematically edu- 
cated after leaving the common schools, at about fourteen 
years of age. As a result, the man has no resources 
within himself. His early training has left him weak- 
willed. His early lack of education has left him without 
desire or interest for healthful pursuits. Adult educa- 
tion must form a permanent part of our educational 
scheme. What systematic education can there be for 
the thousands who leave school at fourteen and from 
that time have to earn a livelihood ? And provided we 
can arrange a system of education, what shall bring the 
system and the people together ? The second question 
must be answered first. The system cannot touch the 
people unless it begins where they left off, and unless 
its subject matter is related to their daily life, their 
home, business, political creed, or the history of their 
country. When the system rises from a man's own 
plane of knowledge and thought, then a relation is 
established, and the one thing needed is some one whose 
personal interest in his fellow men is so great that he 
will open their eyes to what is right before them. 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 103 

How far does the municipal night school go to meet 
the need ? Here is a system which the law enforces 
in every large city. The work begins where the gram- 
mar school stops. The instruction is free and the 
building is central. The institution is a beneficent one, 
and the attendance in many cases proves its work to be 
important. It offers a chance to any boy or girl who 
leaves the grammar school because he must work, to 
continue his study. But we must remember that as 
soon as the boy is at work, whether in the mill or the 
shop, he has new interests, and it is harder than ever 
for him, at sixteen, to see the practical bearing of Eng- 
lish grammar upon weaving. The foreigner wants to 
learn English — not the grammar, but the language. 
The curriculum must be broad. An examination of 
the curricula of certain night schools in New York and 
other cities proves that some educators at least have 
realized this, and a visit to the schools shows the effec- 
tive result. Bookkeeping always appeals to the wage- 
earner as practical, and that is offered him. Manual 
training, drawing, singing, gymnastics, civics, history, 
political economy, physiology, subjects which are allied 
with the wage-earner's immediate interests, are to be 
emphasized. When they are, there will be fewer night 
schools on the point of closing because the pupils do 
not come. 

In any educational system, the teacher is more Im- 
portant than the subject, and in this respect many of 
the night schools are sadly lacking. In some cases 
men and women are teaching in them because there is 
no place for them in the day schools. Worse than this, 
they are sometimes there because the meagre salary 



104 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

paid for two sessions of work makes a third essential. 
The pupils who come weary from a day of toil look for 
inspiration to a leader more weary from her own day's 
toil. There are not enough teachers who feel that in 
the night schools there are problems to be solved which 
are so vital that they dare not stay away. One weak- 
ness of the night school lies in not arousin"; the interests 
of the indifferent. The great success of philanthropic 
work in this direction is due to the motive which takes 
the workers into it. The competent teacher needs to 
know her class as well as her subject. From a personal 
knowledge comes the sympathy which really helps. In 
this particular work, the teacher may well be a district 
worker, knowing the community from which she can 
recruit her class, its needs and its ambitions. 

The night schools should increase in number as well 
as in effectiveness. An educational report from New 
York City in 1898 shows that of the two hundred and 
seventy-seven primary and grammar schools in Greater 
New York, only forty-two were used as evening schools. 
In view of the fact that besides the ignorant men and 
women there are thousands of children over fourteen 
whom the law does not compel to go to school, but who 
could be benefited by the use of the school buildings 
out of school hours, this seems a waste of capital and 
opportunity. A report from Minneapolis and St. 
Paul in the same year said : " The public school author- 
ities in both cities have maintained night schools until 
the last three or four years, when the financial stress 
forced the boards to cut all but the absolutely essen- 
tial. In their judgment, the night school was one of 
these." Every schoolhouse in every city should be a 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 105 

centre of intellectual life for the district in which it is 
placed, and the public schools should be provided with 
halls where adults may be comfortably seated. Because 
it is a public building, the people have a certain feeling 
of ownership, the work goes on without denominational 
prejudice, and there is no atmosphere of charity, — three 
conditions which go far to qualify it as a popular edu- 
cational centre. Its use need not be limited to the 
work of evening classes provided by the city's appro- 
priation, but the school board should have power to 
make it, through outside means, the broad citadel of 
culture which it ought to be. If the city appropriation 
cover the expense, so much the better. 

The Board of Education in New York is supplying 
intellectual entertainment and educational stimulus to 
hundreds of thousands of citizens by its free lecture 
courses. Thirty-two out of its fifty-one centres are 
public schools (1899-1900). "The scope of the work 
is not only to attract and entertain, but also to offer 
suggestions that are of practical benefit, and to give 
encourajjement and stimulus to earnest workers. . . . 
The system is practical and utilitarian. ... It is grat- 
ifying to note that the work is becoming rapidly popu- 
larized, and that its benefits not only reach directly 
the thousands of students who are destined in their 
day and generation to uphold American reputation for 
ability along the various lines of human effort, but 
that the lecture course is fast becoming a recognized 
educational force among the masses of the community, 
attracting thousands out of the slums from the saloon, 
the cheap theatre, and the dram-house." Since 1898 
the course has been under the direction of Dr. Henry 



lOG 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 



M. Leipziger. The following figures show something 
of the results of the organization's work : — 



For 1890-1, 


185 lectures ; 


attendance, 78,295 


1891-2, 


287 






122,243 


1892-3, 


310 






130,830 


1893-4, 


383 






170,368 


1894-5, 


502 






224,118 


1895-6, 


1040 






392,733 


1896-7, 


1065 


( 




426,927 


1897-8, 


1595 






509,135 


1898-9, 


1923 






519,411 


1899-1900, 


1871 


( 




538,084 



Its rapid growth is attributable to its broad spirit 
and to the discriminating judgment which determines 
the topics. Many distinguished men and women have 
gladly aided this great movement by taking their 
places before these cosmopolitan audiences, and have 
addressed them with enthusiasm. A report of the re- 
ception of each lecture, the number in attendance, and 
other details is sent to Dr. Leipziger ; moreover, he is 
informed of the treatment of every subject listed. The 
topic and its treatment must appeal to the audience, 
and thus the people become " the final arbiters in the 
selection of their popular tribunes." The courses in 
history, literature, geography, science, and civics have 
been so labeled and developed as to bring to willing 
listeners the highest conceptions of duty, of patriotism, 
and of civilization. The experiment of selecting certain 
centres where the lectures were to be devoted to but 
two topics during the entire winter has proved success- 
ful. In preparing each season's course, a study is 
made of the needs of the different lecture centres. 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 107 

The loaning of books from the platform, to be used 
in connection with the syllabus for studj^, has been a' 
feature of the lecture courses. In some cases exam- 
inations have been held and papers written. In this 
work the cooperation of the library and the lecture 
hall is most important. Other cities than New Yoi'k 
are at work in this direction. The president of the 
Board of Education of Philadelphia has recommended 
the free lecture courses for that city, and Boston and 
Chicago already offer them. 

The boards of education do not stand alone in 
their efforts to educate the masses by this means. It 
is the method of the University Extension societies. 
The University Extension movement was begun in 
Philadelphia, but the small fee which was charged pre- 
vented the work reaching as far as it should until the 
free lecture system was adopted. The lectui-es have 
been given in the public schools and at branches of 
the Free Library. In 1899, beside the University 
Extension lectures of the American Society in twenty- 
four places in Philadelphia, lecturers were sent to 
as many different towns. This work has a great 
advantage over reading circles and correspondence 
clubs, because of the contact of the speaker with the 
people he is teaching. The personal conviction of a 
good teacher and his enthusiasm must arouse interest. 
There is a chance, too, for the discussions which usually 
follow the University Extension lectures. The People's 
University Extension Society of New York is an 
organization which holds itself ready to furnish classes 
and courses of lectures to missions, churches, settle- 
ments, and other societies that receive appeals for 



108 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

instruction wliicli tliey cannot supply. Instruction lias 
been given in about one hundred and fifty places in 
New York during the past year by this society, and 
applications are constantly increasing. The organiza- 
tion is in its third year, and its work has already been 
called one of the most promising signs of the times. 
In the opinion of the society, hygiene and civics are 
the subjects essential to the welfare of the individual 
and the State, and these courses are free. Audiences 
receiving courses in subjects of less fundamental im- 
portance are expected to bear the small necessary 
expense. The influence of the University Extension 
movement has been felt in hundreds of towns. 

In many cities, other educational enterj)rises, more 
local in character, are offering free lectures to the 
people. The following are a few of the numerous in- 
stitutions of this kind : Cooper Union, New York's 
great promoter of popular education, is one of the 
centres for the work of the Board of Education, but it 
has in addition courses of lectures under its own 
control and others which are given in cooperation with 
the People's Institute. In the winter of 1899-1900, 
the People's Institute gave one hundred and seventy- 
three lectures there. The plan of each evening in- 
cluded an address, lasting about an hour and followed 
by a discussion. The audiences were largely composed 
of workingmen from different sections, who took part 
freely in the discussions. Receptions held after the 
lectures in the room of the People's Club gave the 
members and their invited guests a chance to meet 
many of the leaders in public life. The Educational 
Alliance of New York offers lectures to its members. 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 109 

The Wagner Institute of Philadelphia gives courses 
of free lectures, with an opportunity for those who are 
especially interested to stay afterwards for class-work 
and experiments in the laboratories. This work of the 
institute has been constantly growing in importance, 
and it has the encouragement of reaching the class of 
people that need, such opportunities. Free lectures are 
also given by various societies that wish to interest 
the public in live questions. The Library of Economics 
and Political Science makes a point of keeping the 
circulars of such lectures and calling; the attention of 
the frequenters of the library to them. Here again is 
shown the value of cooperation between the free lecture 
and the public library. The plan just mentioned is an 
excellent way of turning the attention of a part of the 
public to the lecture halls which have opened their 
doors to them. But this somewhat mechanical con- 
nection is not the most vital one. The lecturer will 
send back to the library much more intelligent readers. 
He can make the man who has never read anything 
" worth while " have a real yearning for histories, 
biographies, and other literature that will be of benefit 
to him, and he can make the man who never reads 
anything feel the need of a book. A generous supply 
of platform and branch libraries should be at the lec- 
turer's disposal. Some libraries give public lectures 
in their own halls, and the full attendance and conse- 
quent carrying away of books prove the worth of this 
use of the building. The Boston Public Library, dur- 
ing the season of 1900-1901, gave free lectures on 
municipal problems. 

A word might be said of the financial conditions of 



110 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

public lecture organizations. While leading men in 
every profession are taking part in this work, and many 
of them without even a nominal fee, there are many 
whose incomes do not allow the time thus spent to be 
wholly unremunerative. It is one of the wisest features 
of the scheme that the teaching be the best, and that 
the work in each centre be continuous. The work can- 
not be self-supporting, but it is one of the most judi- 
cious of the civic investments of the tax-payer. It is an 
unfortunate thing that a " jjojiular lecture " means to 
some people simply a pleasing lecture, for often it 
implies more. The popular lecture with educational 
aim must hold that idea uppermost, and be pleasing 
because the skillful lecturer so presents his serious 
material that the audience is able thoroughly to enjoy 
it. The free lecture, then, is a system of education 
that can be popular. Besides the instructional value of 
these lectures, the hours so spent are glad ones for 
thousands of toilers and an antidote for many of the 
temptations of city life. The subject can be chosen to 
suit each audience, the lecture can be taken to the 
people, and the man or woman who delivers it shows by 
his being there that he has the desire, which every 
educated person ought to have, to share his knowledge 
with the less fortunate. However, in most cities the 
law enforces no such system, the people do not demand 
it, and it is left for philanthropy to evolve it. Much 
progress has been made in this work, but, on the other 
hand, many cities have to acknowledge that, in view of 
their small number and their irregularity, the influence 
of the free lectures as a corrective to the saloon, at any 
rate, is not great. Where they are frequent and the 



POPULAR EDUCATION. Ill 

courses are regular, their efficiency as 'saloon substi- 
tutes is twofold : many pleasant evenings are spent in 
this way which would otherwise be added to the number 
which the wage-earner does not know how to spend, 
and thousands of men are given a live interest in some 
broadening and helpful theme. 

Because the library is most effective when working 
in cooperation with other educative organizations, it 
must not be forgotten that alone it stands as a great 
schoolmaster for the people. No town is considered 
complete without its public library, and the rich and 
poor, educated and uneducated, point to it with pride. 
The library supplies the public with its reading mate- 
rial, and the public appreciates the fact, whether taking 
advantage of it or not. A sightly, well-constructed 
building which belongs to the people and which exists 
for their good is in itself something of an inspiration. 
And it is the library that supplies the homes with 
books. In mission centres, after the demand for food 
and clothing, the request for reading matter is most 
frequent. " Lend me some books or magazines so that 
my husband or son may hd,ve something to read 
and to occupy his mind without having to go to the 
saloon," is the form the request takes. In this respect, 
the libraries as saloon substitutes have great value, for 
they can furnish books to the people in abundance and 
without cost. Every one knows that a public library 
is not enough. It must be a free public library. 
Moreover it should be made easy for the people to 
get their register cards. Often a stranger in a town 
and too often residents of the poorer classes do not 



112 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

know whom to ask for a guarantee. This is one of 
the kindnesses an employer may well offer his em- 
ployees. 

Free registration is not enough. The libraries must 
be planned to facilitate the use of books, and there are 
a number of practical ways of doing it : by work- 
ing in cooperation with other educational centres ; 
by branch libraries ; by traveling libraries ; by access 
to shelves. One means of cooperation is to receive 
from teachers and lecturers lists of books that will 
likely be in demand, and to have enough copies to 
prevent discouragement being a reason for not read- 
ing. 

Branch libraries no doubt accomplish more as saloon 
substitutes than the main libraries. The busy laborer 
is the very one whom cheap rent takes from the centre 
of thinfrs, and branch libraries should be established 
for his benefit. In almost every large city the free 
library has its branches. Private or semi-private 
libraries may well be affiliated with these. They 
should always contain reference books, carefully se- 
lected fiction, books of travel, biography, and history. 
Neichborhood workers who know the habits and 
tastes of the people of their communities can often 
best choose the books, and the librarians of the main 
buildings gladly receive their suggestions. It is inter- 
esting to see how many apply for cards who would 
have neither time nor inclination to frequent the cen- 
tral library. A library of eight hundred books was 
recently placed in a small manufacturing city a mile 
from the main library, and in the sixth month of its 
existence over three hundred books were taken out. 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 113 

The shelves were against the back wall of a grocery 
store, and the keeper said he would not exchange what 
he had " learned from them books " for all the trade 
he had done. It was reported, in 1898, of the Webster 
Circulating Library of New York (a department of 
the work at the East Side House), that the number of 
names on the registry exceeded the number of volumes 
in the library, the former being 8157, the latter 7858. 
The park libraries of Brooklyn have proved very suc- 
cessful ; and while there is much to say against filling 
the parks up with buildings of any kind, their reports 
seem to justify them. The statistics of the Tomp- 
kins Park Library for one month give 2372 borrow- 
ers, 4190 books circulated, and 2900 readers. By 
" readers " is meant those who do not take books out, 
but read papers and magazines in the library. 

Traveling libraries have an aim very similar to that 
of the more stationary branches. Many settlements 
and clubs need more books than they can afford to 
buy ; and to have several hundred books loaned them 
for a few weeks, with a new set taking their places, 
helps them to solve this difficulty. It has proved a 
successful enterprise to send these libraries to fire- 
engine stations and police stations, where the men 
have leisure and yet must be at their posts. The boys 
of the telegraph and messenger service need to be 
supplied with books. Factories and manufacturing 
districts are incomplete without their libraries. A 
reading-room is often the only place beside the saloon 
near the docks for sailors who are in port. The Pub- 
lic Library of Cleveland reports that in 1899 the cir- 
culation from the branches and stations for home read- 



114 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

ing- was fifty-seven per cent of the entire circulation 
for the year. " The aim is to make the branches and 
stations social centres for their neighborhoods. In 
bringing this about the library management is work- 
ing in and through the schools and settlements." 

In all libraries, including the main one, access to 
the shelves is of great importance. " Access to the 
shelves means that any one can go to the shelves and 
take down the books to read, or select the books he de- 
sires to carry away. As a result time is not lost in 
waiting, and where a person is familiar with only 
one or two books on a subject, the fact that these 
books are out does not discourage him. In looking 
over the books themselves — not lists of books — he 
may find something better. Probably interest will 
be stimulated. The rooms are made more attractive 
with their open shelves, and the lack of police system 
makes the library a pleasanter place." The very 
lai'ge circulation of the Free Library of Philadelphia 
is ascribed to this free-shelf system. It is reported 
that the consequent loss of books is very slight in com- 
parison with the cost of employing extra service. It 
is an interesting fact that if children are allowed to jro 
to the shelves, they usually select non-fiction. 

The reading-room and circulating library are so 
united in aim and fulfillment, that their separation 
is arbitrary, and yet each has an advantage over the 
other. The circulating library furnishes a pleasant 
and helpful pastime for the man's leisure hours and 
encourages him to spend them at home, while the 
reading-room gives him a valuable resort outside of 
his home. This fact makes the reading-room perhaj^s 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 115 

the more efficient substitute for the saloon. It is en- 
couraging that the reading-room not only promises to 
be, but is a place where men come and spend time 
that would otherwise be spent in the saloon or on the 
street. It is true that a goodly per cent of the patrons 
are children and people of the well-to-do classes, but 
there is constant increase in the number of adult read- 
ers, and there are many reading-rooms for the laboring 
people of which the rich know nothing. 

The free library and reading-room of Cooper Union 
represents a type worthy of study. With the excep- 
tion of a few who come from a distance, for the sake 
of class-work, the attendance is chiefly from the sur- 
rounding wards, i. e., the Tenth, Eleventh, Thirteenth, 
Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Seventeenth. The follow- 
ing table shows the predominating nationality and pop- 
ulation : — 

10th Ward . . Kussian Hebrews 74,401 

11th Ward . . Germans and Hungarians . . 97,435 

13th Ward . • Hebrews and Irish .... 59,267 

14th Ward . . Italians 36,292 

15th Ward . . ItaHans 32,811 

17th Ward . . Germans 133,257 

433,463 

These statistics are as reported for the Tenement House 
Committee in 1894. 

The Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Seventeenth, and Bowery 
portions of the Tenth are probably the only wards which 
are strongly represented, and this means a population 
of about 202,360. The Bowery lodging-houses are 
within walking distance, and no doubt many men come 



116 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 



to the reading-room from these, 
record of attendance for 1898 : — 



The following is the 



January . 


. 72,977 


July .... 23,380 


February . 


. 66,670 


August (2 wks.) 12,805 


March . . 


. 55,531 


September . . 29,956 


April . . 


. 53,614 


October . . . 45,669 


May . . 


. 32,799 


November . . 56,237 


June . . 


. 27,348 


December . . 69,438 




Total .... 546,424 



This means an average daily attendance of 1821. The 
reading-room has met with this success notwithstand- 
ing the fact that it is on the third floor. Including 
newspapers there are about four hundred and fifty 
periodicals on file, and the library contains between 
thirty-five and forty thousand volumes. A large 
proportion of the visitors come to take advantage of 
the daily papers, and it is evident that to read their 
home jsapers is really a boon to many men. This 
satisfaction of the thirst for home news is in itself a 
larofe reason for such readinjj-rooms. There are hun- 
dreds of men who will pass open saloons and walk 
many blocks for the sake of reading a few items in 
the home paper that will lessen their feeling of lone- 
liness in a great city where they have no social con- 
nection. 

Other free reading-rooms in crowded districts have 
met with proportionate success. This is one of the priv- 
ileges the workingman does demand and appreciate. 
The circulation of the settlement libraries is so phenom- 
enal, as compared with ordinary libraries, that it war- 
rants careful attention. Statistics show that almost 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 117 

without exception the well-ordered reading-room soon 
becomes a popular centre. Often it is a question how 
to meet the demand for certain literature, and how to 
furnish sufficient table room. The point most to be 
emphasized is the necessity of accessibility. No saloon- 
keeper places his wares in the back room on the second 
floor. A well-lighted front entrance on an open thor- 
oughfare, comfortable seats, and tables well supplied 
with reading matter, chosen to hold the interest of the 
patrons, will accomplish more in the work of making 
the reading-room a substitute for the saloon than rows 
upon rows of well-arranged bookshelves. If possible, 
a reading-room should be large, so that a man may slip 
in and out without feeling conspicuous and, if he pre- 
fers, not be submitted to unsolicited social advances. 

The combination of reading-room and smoking-room 
is one much to be desired. A successful example of 
this is found in the Galilee Mission, New York (Cal- 
vary Protestant Episcopal Church). The free and 
easy air of such a place gives it one of the most tell- 
ing characteristics of the saloon. It is open every 
night in the year, and on Sunday afternoons and holi- 
days. During eleven months of 1898, there were 27,310 
visits made by persons enjoying its privileges, and of 
this number 10,729 were Sunday visits. The daily and 
weekly papers, as well as the monthly magazines, are 
on the tables, also a number of standard books. Dur- 
ing the winter months, talks are given Sunday after- 
noons on various subjects. 

Probably of all the social enterprises of the city of 
Denver, none have been so completely successful in 
drawing trade away from the saloon as the reading- 



118 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

room. No better evidence of this fact can be given 
than the results of the establishment of the two read- 
ing-rooms in the Fifteenth Ward.^ 

Some six or seven years ago, the street railway com- 
pany built a large car-barn in the Fifteenth Ward. As 
there were usually a large number of the employees of 
the company in and about the barn, the liquor men, 
always alert for such an oj)portunity, lost no time in 
locating two saloons and a pool-room in the non-prohi- 
bition Sixth Ward, just across the street. Their expec- 
tations of a large trade were fully realized. The car- 
barns were cheerless and cold, and little provision had 
been made for the comfort of the men ; the saloons, on 
the other hand, offered warmth and sociability. Natu- 
rally the saloons came to be preferred, and soon were a 
sort of headquarters for the employees when off duty. 
The inevitable results followed, and complaints were 
common regarding the lawlessness of the neighborhood. 
The tramway company tried in vain to check the 
growing evil by means of stringent rules against drink- 
ing among their employees, but the attendance upon 
the saloons was not perceptibly diminished. . . . The 
once respectable neighborhood soon acquired an evil 
reputation. In 1896 the Woman's Christian Temper- 
ance Union applied to the superintendent of the tram- 
way company for a room in the car-barn, in which to 
establish a reading-room ; this the superintendent gladly 
furnished them, fi*ee of charge. The first results w^ere 
most discouraging. The attendance of the young men 
of the neighborhood, and of the employees of the com- 
pany, those who were patronizing the saloon, and whom 
^ From the Denver report, April, 1899. 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 119 

it was desired especially to reach, was very small ; and 
whenever they did come, they violated the rules in 
the most open and flagrant way, without paying any 
attention to remonstrance. The boys were often rude 
and boisterous. Books and papers and even money 
were stolen frequently. In spite of all these obstacles 
and the lively opposition of the saloon-keepers, the 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union persisted in 
their efforts, and as time went on, the conditions be- 
came better, and gradually things began to come their 
way. At the present time, one of the two saloons has 
gone out of business, and the other has scarcely half 
the patronage that it once had. The majority of the 
tramway employees spend the most of their spare time 
in the reading-room ; while the " gang " that once ter- 
rorized the neighborhood has melted away, and the 
boys and young men that formerly composed it are 
nightly f I'equenters of the reading-room, and are quiet 
and well-behaved. A violation of the rules is rare, as 
is also the loss of anything through theft. The credit 
of this improvement belongs principally to the reading- 
room. 

It is said of the Southwest of the country, as of other 
parts, that the saloon is the greatest evil, the greatest 
because it leads to other vices. It stands with open 
doors ready to receive the young men who go there, 
leaving the home and social influences of the East. 
There, too, the free library is doing its work. In 
Bisbee, Ariz., a mining centre, the Copper Queen 
Consolidated Mining Company put up a commodious 
building, and furnished it with books, newspapers, 
magazines, tables, chairs, and pictures. It is well 



120 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

patronized, and in the case of a large number of the 
miners and railroad operatives it is a very successful 
rival of the saloon. The plan is to keep open doors 
and have as few restrictions on the men as possible. 
They may conduct themselves in the library as freely 
as in any saloon, barring the drinking and the gam- 
bling. There are chess, draughts, and checkers. There 
is opportunity for talking and smoking. This freedom 
secures the attendance of many who would otherwise 
be patrons of the saloon. Mr. Pritchard, who is in 
charge, has opportunity to come in close contact with 
the men and to talk with them of their own affairs. 
It has been possible to interest many of them in the 
contention against the saloon, and a few have shown 
a desire to aid in the work. The Board of Directors 
of the mining company are directly responsible for the 
fact that the saloon is not a paying business, and that 
gamblers call it the poorest town in Arizona for their 
profession. In Tucson, the Southern Pacific men are 
all contributing fifty cents per month for a similar 
institution, and have in connection with it free baths 
and other attractions. 

When the night school, the lecture hall and the 
library are open to the people, there is still much to 
be done. There is no way so sure to arouse intel- 
lectual interest as personal inspiration. The greatest 
problem in popular education is not to furnish the 
supply, but to create a demand. Even the reading- 
room is not always a success. The manager of the 
Chesapeake Pottery Factory of Baltimore failed to 
interest the young men in his employ in a reading- 
room. The Woodberry Free Reading- Room, primarily 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 121 

intended for laborers, especially for the men of Wood- 
berry mills, and provided apparently with all the 
essentials of success, drew mostly people from the 
wealthy suburbs of Baltimore. 

In the education of the working people some con- 
cessions must be made. The situation makes it neces- 
sary to do away with many of the traditions of schools 
and colleges. Institutions of learning, like Cooper 
Union, the People's Institute and the Educational Alli- 
ance of New York, Temple College and the Franklin 
Institute of Philadelphia, Ohio Mechanics' Institute of 
Cincinnati, Trade Schools, and the Prospect Union of 
Harvard, are successful because of their method, and 
because of their curricula. They offer classes which 
are of practical benefit to the v/age-earner. It has 
been said of Cooper Union, " There is no institution 
similar to Cooper Union, placed in so excellent a loca- 
tion, or which approaches it in its clientage of those 
not interested in the educational." Last year, at the 
People's Institute, classes were held in history, litera- 
ture, ethics and sociology, and often there was not 
even standing room in a hall which would seat two 
hundred and fifty. In the Mechanics' Institute of 
Cincinnati, of four hundred and sixteen students, one 
hundred and forty-four are machinists. No doubt 
many of them are too much interested in their trades 
to waste time in saloons, and yet with too few re- 
sources for leisure hours, the strongest may be tempted. 

The Prospect Union ^ of Cambridge is in a no- 
license city, but there has been a measure of compe- 
tition with the temptation to patronize Boston saloons, 
^ From report of Rev. Robert E. Ely. 



122 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

and with the tendency to form social and athletic clubs 
of doubtful moral tone. Moreover, the influence of 
the Union has inclined men to vote for no-license, 
although the organization, in accordance with its prin- 
ciples, has abstained from taking part in the no-license 
campaigns. The Union is a partial and local adapta- 
tion of the social settlement and university extension 
idea. The men, whether wage-earners or Harvard stu- 
dents, meet upon the level of a common manhood for 
mutual helpfulness, without regard to differences of 
caste or creed. The fee for active members is two 
dollars. Evening classes and lectures constitute the 
princijjal activity of the Union, with frequent musical 
and social gatherings. The classes are small, the 
method of teaching is informal, and the effort is made 
to adapt the instruction to the desire and need of the 
individual pupil. The classes are conducted by Har- 
vard students, and often on Wednesday evening there 
is a lecture or address by a member of the Harvard 
faculty or by some reformer. An opportunity for 
questions and discussions always follows the lecture. 
In the building, which is open every day and evening 
of the year, are a reading-room, smoking-room, library, 
and shower baths for the use of members, class-rooms, 
a lecture hall, and rooms for residence. Such a work 
as this awakens new interests, leads to new activities, 
and gives a broader outlook upon life. Catholics and 
Protestants, foreigners and Americans, come together 
in such an enterprise. There is not the suspicion that 
often attaches to a denominational organization, and 
men are not ashamed to be found in an educational 
institution. 



POPULAR EDUCATION. 123 

Industrial schools are needed. They are a neces- 
sity for both boys and men. The school that offers 
classes in plastering, blacksmith's work and bricklay- 
ing, will not be empty. The economic progress in 
Germany is conceded to be due to the industrial school 
system. True charity is kindred to education. Imme- 
diate relief is often necessary, but if, in connection 
with our charity organizations, there could be training 
schools in which people might be helped back into 
lives of useful and self-restraining activity, it would 
keep many whom the saloon reduces to pauperism 
from returning to it. The St. Louis Provident Asso- 
ciation and the Philadelphia Society for Employment 
and Instruction of the Poor try to do something of 
the kind, but the classes are largely for women. How- 
ever, we must not overlook the fact that philanthropic 
work among women is often counting indirectly against 
the saloon. The mothers' meetings, the domestic science 
classes and cooking lessons, that teach women how to 
make the home attractive, are doing much to keep men 
from the saloons. 

On the other hand, the sesthetic side of the people's 
education must not be undervalued. Their eyes need 
to be opened that they may see, quite as much as their 
hands need to be trained that they may handle. The 
poor are removed from the rich ; they live away from 
the most attractive part of the cities, and what is there 
to cultivate their taste for art, to take them to the 
galleries and museums ? The loaning of pictures from 
art galleries and schools is an excellent plan. Local 
exhibits and excursions to places of beauty and interest 
may well be encouraged. Akin to this idea is Mr. 



124 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Frank Damrosch's work in New York. The object of 
the People's Choral Union is to cultivate the love of 
music among the working people. Any one who has 
been a member of the advanced class of the People's 
Singing Classes for one season is eligible to member- 
ship. The classes are established and maintained by 
the Union. Ten cents a lesson meets the incidental 
expenses, and no teacher receives compensation for his 
services. Mr. Damrosch believes that "art is not a 
luxury for the rich, but a necessity for the poor, and 
that all people can learn to sing." " The one form of 
art which comes nearest to the people's hearts, which 
may be acquired and practiced by nearly every one, 
and could therefore enter into the daily life of the 
people, making it brighter, sweeter, hapj)ier and richer, 
the State makes little or no pi'ovision for, and it was to 
fill this need that the People's Singing Classes were 
established." The success of the undertaking has been 
beyond the highest expectations. It is such a reali- 
zation of the working people's needs and such a desire 
to make them share the more ennobling things in life 
that will succeed in educating and uplifting them. 

When a man sees outside of the saloon what is more 
attractive than what he finds in it, he will cease to be 
its patron. The closing century has been called the 
century of popular education, and it could ask no better 
title. Its lesson may well be that a " man needs know- 
ledge, not as a means of livelihood, but as a means of 
life." 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE CHURCH, THE MISSION, AND THE SETTLEMENT. 

This chapter is to deal with methods of making 
provision for the social needs of the people that are 
prompted by the religious motive. This is not wholly 
true of the settlement, which is discussed by itself at 
the close of the chapter. 

Religion is concerned with the personal relation of 
the individual life toward God. To create and to 
strengthen this relation is the one purpose of avowedly 
religious institutions. A generation ago the term life 
was considered synonymous with soul. To-day, the 
unity of life is recognized as it was by Christ ; and the 
church, like its Master, seeks not only to pronounce the 
word of pardon, but to heal the sick, to open the eyes 
of the blind and the ears of the deaf. It seeks not so 
much to save men out of the world, as to save the 
world itself in all of its relations. 

This is the real change which has taken place in our 
day within the church. It has not been a change in 
doctrine or in worship, but a change in its relation to 
the world. To it may be attributed the growing au- 
thority and influence of the church in our complex 
modern social order. Even where little effort has been 
made to express this sentiment in tangible terms, the 
sentiment abides. The church has come to believe that 
if it does not interest itself with what concerns human- 



126 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

ity, it cannot hope that humanity will interest itself 
with what concerns the church. There is every reason 
for believing that we have seen the extreme limit of the 
alienation of the " masses " from the church ; that the 
return of the church to humanity means at the same 
time the return of humanity to the church. Dr. Hale, 
when asked recently to forecast what he believed would 
be the character of the church of the twentieth cen- 
tury, replied : " I once heard a well-informed clergy- 
man . . . say of our New England churches of all 
communions that they are quite well organized for pur- 
poses of worship, that they do something on Sunday 
for education, that they are interested to a certain ex- 
tent in hospitality, but that they are not at all well 
organized for charity. I think that fifty years hence 
the same sort of people who are now glad to live within 
the range of the charities of a well-conducted hotel will 
be glad to live in the neighborhood of a church. I 
think that every church will understand the best way 
to proclaim the good tidings of God to those who need 
them." 

This it is which the church is beginning to learn. 
No one can have failed to observe the gradual evolu- 
tion of new methods in church work, new efforts to 
apply material wealth and personal power to tlie actual 
needs of men and women. Year by year the number 
of churches which still hold themselves aloof from the 
temporal concerns of the people is being lessened. In 
city and in country alike, in despite of tradition or con- 
vention, under the leadership of thoughtful and far- 
seeing men and women, the church is meeting in many 
ways the immediate needs of those who surround it. 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 127 

Parish houses and settlements, libraries and kindergar- 
tens, clubs and training schools, all speak of the new 
spirit which animates the modern church. The old 
power is not lost : it is directed and applied. 

The Roman Catholic Church has seemed to rely 
almost wholly upon the spiritual appeal. Yet she is 
not indifferent to modern conditions and is preparing 
to meet them. Her organizations are taking on more 
and more a social character. The Total Abstinence 
societies have often a considerable social element in 
connection with their work; some own their buildings, 
which are provided with reading-rooms, gymnasiums, 
and billiard halls. Such societies may be found at pre- 
sent in almost all of the large cities of the country. 
The lyceum is growing to be a very popular organiza- 
tion connected with Catholic parishes in workingmen's 
districts. In the city of Baltimore, lyceums were found 
to be connected with no less than eight of the Catholic 
parishes of the city. The method is usually to occupy 
some building which is fitted up with means for social 
and athletic enjoyment. The three requirements for 
membership in a lyceum is that a man be a good Cath- 
olic, be of good moral character, and have some desire 
to improve himself. As a rule, these lyceums are re- 
markably successful, and their membership aggregates 
many thousands in any city. Another social organiza- 
tion has just been planned by the Catholics, the Young 
Men's Institute, patterned after the Young Men's 
Christian Association. In these ways the attitude of 
the Roman Catholic Church is plainly visible. 

More Protestant churches than Catholic conduct 
what are known as " institutional " activities, and yet the 



128 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

number is small compared with the total number of 
churches and the need which confronts them. In Cleve- 
land only two or three churches out of about two hun- 
dred are reported as undertaking at all seriously any 
social work. Out of twenty-three Baptist churches in 
Cincinnati and vicinity, twenty-one follow the old 
methods of work. A crowded district in Buffalo has a 
population of 55,000. Of the forty Protestant churches 
and missions, but one has a night school, and only two 
offer weekly attractions to the neighborhood. In Chi- 
cago a very careful canvass was made, and a personal 
letter was sent to 751 clergymen. The results are as fol- 
lows : Six wrote absolutely disapproving of the church 
engaging in any social work, quoting Scripture pas- 
sages in support of their position. Those who hoped 
to enter such work were seventeen. Fifty -four 
churches had no further social organization beyond lit- 
erary and religious societies. Eighteen had outdoor 
sports, six had gymnasiums, but the silence of over five 
hundred indicates inactivity due either to opposition or 
to sympathy that has not yet sufficient energy to take 
tangible form. West of the Mississippi, the propor- 
tion of churches doing any social work is even less than 
in the East. In New York City ninety-two churches 
out of a total of about seven hundred, Catholic and 
Protestant, were reported as doing a real social work. 
An analyzed list reveals the following particulars : — 

1. Having clubs 9 

2. Having clubs, reading-rooms, and lodging-houses . . 2 

3. Having libraries or reading-rooms 9 

4. Having industrial training and other educational 

features 15 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 129 

5. Having clubs and gymnasium 1 

6. Having clubs and reading-rooms 2 

7. Having clubs and educational features 24 

8. Having clubs, educational features, and gymnasium . 2 

9. Having clubs, gymnasium, and reading-rooms ... 1 

10. Having clubs, reading-rooms, and educational fea- 

tures 7 

11. Having gymnasium and educational features ... 2 

12. Having educational features and reading-rooms . . 4 

13. Having all of above-mentioned features excepting 

lodging-houses 14 

92 

The parisli house is the centre of the social life of 
the modern church. Upon the size and material re- 
sources of the church will depend somewhat the amount 
of social work undertaken. The parish house is the 
home of kindergartens, cooking-classes, boys' clubs or 
brigades, industrial schools, and other work for the 
children and youth of the neighborhood. The organi- 
zations which affect particularly the young and . older 
men of the parish are the gymnasium, the reading- 
room, social rooms, and social clubs. Where a parish 
house is provided with a gymnasium, it is sure of per- 
forming an important social work. The gymnasium 
always takes care of itself. There is no particular 
wisdom that is necessary with a trapeze and parallel 
bars. Denominational differences and religious pre- 
judices are overcome more quickly by these mechanical 
contrivances than by anything else that can be thought 
of. It will generally be found that it is unwise to 
make any limitations of creed or church affiliation for 
those who shall use the gymnasium. A fee will be 



130 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

charged commensurate to the incomes of those who 
attend, and if possible, some oversight will be given in 
the athletic exercises, but beyond this nothing is neces- 
sary. The reading-room presents a more difficult pro- 
blem. It is not at all uncommon to see churches 
advertising reading-rooms that are very little attended 
by church people or any one else. Certain difficulties 
must be met. In the first place, it will be found that 
a reading-room which is directly connected with the 
church building will fail, as a rule, to draw much 
patronage, especially if the neighborhood is not par- 
ticularly in sympathy with the church. The useful- 
ness of one church reading-room in New York is prac- 
tically destroyed by the fact that the room is not 
adjacent to the street. Another church in the same 
city reports that its reading-room is very pleasant and 
open to all, but as a matter of fact scarcely ever does a 
stranger enter. The explanation is that it is not suffi- 
ciently public in its location, and occupies a part of the 
church building. On the other hand, the reading-room 
of a downtown church in New York has a lai*ge patron- 
age. It is open from eight o'clock in the morning till 
nine at night. The minister in charge reports it the 
most successful branch of their non-religious work. 
Daily and weekly papers and monthly magazines are 
furnished besides a library of 3000 volumes in direct 
connection with the reading-room. During the year 
1898 there were 41,642 readers, or an average of 137 
daily. Of these, the daily average of male adults was 
120. Two reasons can be given for the success of this 
church reading-room. In the first place, it is entirely 
disassociated from the religious work of the chapel. 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 131 

In the next place, no expense is spared to make the 
reading matter what will appeal to an intelligent class 
of readers. 

The social rooms of a parish house, In order to do 
their work, must be what the name implies. They 
should offer the social privileges which are to be found 
in any other social clubs. It is needless to say that 
the religious atmosphere should not intrude, and that 
so far as possible the rooms should be controlled by 
those that frequent them. The men's club of St. 
Bartholomew's Church of New York, for example, 
occupies a suite of rooms in one of the upper stories of 
the parish house. Entering, there is an ante-room 
and a hall ; next comes a large and handsome smoking- 
room ; adjoining this is a library and reading-room. 
The club has its own circulating library with well-filled 
shelves. Leading from the smoking-room there is a 
second hallway ; opening f i-om this there are two read- 
ing-rooms and the billiard-room having three pool 
tables and one regulation billiard table. The charge 
for the pool tables, which are most used, is one cent per 
cue. The charge for the billiard table is twenty-five 
cents per hour. The billiard table is one of the most 
popular features of the club. The rooms are open 
from ten o'clock in the morning until eleven o'clock 
at night. During the day members who have a few 
minutes of leisure drop in for a chat or to read a news- 
paper. In the evening the club is well filled, the 
attendance averaging 150 daily. There are educa- 
tional classes in connection with the club, but these 
are not very popular or very numerous. It is the 
social side that dominates. Where a parish house 



132 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

has such social rooms, a club may be formed of those 
who shall have the use of them, dues will be paid, and 
perhaps an initiation fee, and the members of the club 
will have the right to regulate the use of the rooms 
which they occupy. In St. Bartholomew's the club 
contains from five to six hundred members, and in St. 
George's not much less, although at St. George's mem- 
bership is limited to those connected with the church. 
The dramatic instinct is always strong in young men, 
and where other methods fail to interest this will often 
succeed. The study of plays, with an occasional pre- 
sentation of them, will be found to interest and hold 
young men. Civic or economic questions always ap- 
peal to young men because of their political and pro- 
fessional interests. Where a club is made purely a 
literary club, its existence will probably be somewhat 
precarious. 

Such, then, are the methods for providing for the 
social needs of young men which may be centred in 
the parish house. But the church may go beyond 
this, and seek to support missions and social enter- 
prises which have no connection with the church build- 
ing and are often located at a distance from them. 
Some of these may be briefly described. The most 
common method is to establish a mission church. 
These mission churches, where they have no social 
features and are simply centres of evangelization, are 
often dreary in their character and accomplish a mini- 
mum of result. For one thing, they lack funds and 
have to do their work with straitened financial re- 
sources. The general impression of these churches is 
one of monotony. The music is usually indifferent, 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 133 

and while the speakers are much in earnest, their 
methods are not calculated to accomplish their aims. 
Mission churches of this variety are probably not on 
the increase in any of our large cities, and it is as 
well that they are not. A modern mission church 
needs a modern conception of its mission. 

Sometimes churches have attempted to organize 
workingmen's clubs. Several years ago the Episcopal 
churches of Philadelphia made the experiment, which 
was discontinued after a time because the members 
desired to have a bar in the clubhouse. It would be 
well to have this question decided in advance whenever 
this experiment is repeated. Several churches of the 
country are endowing and supporting settlements which 
do the work of college settlements and in much the 
same spirit. The churches themselves are uptown, 
but they are supporting in the heart of the city not a 
mission or an evangelistic agency of any kind, but a 
settlement, performing a distinct work of a most valu- 
able kind for the district in which it is located. Some 
of the most effective church work which is being accom- 
plished to-day in the country is of this character. 
Such are some of the methods by which the churches 
can perform a social service to the community. 

One could wish not only that there were a greater 
number of churches seeking to fulfill their mission to 
the community, but that they should do so in the spirit 
of disinterestedness and cooperation. Where a church 
seeks its own increase instead of the increase of right- 
eousness, and where churches labor without any know- 
ledge of each other, the work accomplished must be 
fragmentary. An even greater need is that the spirit 



134 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

of a true democracy pervade the church, in which social 
distinctions shall be lost sight of. Until this ideal has 
been at least in some measure attained, the church 
cannot expect by outer means to attract the multitudes. 
But where such a sentiment is a reality, where at the 
same time the spiritual message is not forgotten, but 
is exalted, there the church will be freed from the 
reproach of selfishness and indifference, and retain 
a position of undiminished influence and power. 

The work of missions calls for a special word. 
The mission is a religious and reformatory institution 
that performs the function of the church without ad- 
ministering the sacraments. Its object is to reach the 
masses with the religious appeal unhindered by the 
barriers which hedge in the church. Missions may be 
divided into different groups. One consists of the 
Gospel or rescue mission, whose sole object is to 
make the spiritual appeal in its frequent religious ser- 
vices. Other missions combine with their services the 
giving of food, clothing, and shelter. The bad results 
of this system have become so evident, however, that 
missions of this type are rapidly passing away. In the 
abstract they might seem to provide a substitute for 
the saloon of the most practical kind. Actually they 
tend to keep a man from honest labor and to put a 
premium upon hypocrisy. 

In some cases provision for labor is made : the best 
modern missions of this class invariably provide it. 
The wood yard, the shoe-shop, the brush and broom 
factory, and other methods are used to give men 
work. The majority of them make the condition of 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 135 

entrance to be a willingness to work, this being consid- 
ered the essential condition of any personal reform. 
Ability as well as willingness is also a requisite, for 
otherwise cripples and invalids would prove the ruin 
of the industrial principle. Instead of the word 
" inmates," the men are called " employees," a change 
gratifying to the men and promoting self-respect. No 
skilled help is employed. All the men are taught 
the trade after entering. All the work is carried on 
by men who come from the streets. Such is the mod- 
ern charity mission. It must be admitted that such 
institutions act as substitutes for the saloon, but it 
must be observed that now our mission has become a 
school, a reformatory, an industrial home ; it offers nofe 
only social opportunity, but other opportunities that a 
man needs in his normal life. It ministers to a frag- 
ment of our population who have no home, no friends, 
no work. It substitutes for many things that a man 
ought by right to have for himself. The social value 
of such institutions is in direct ratio to the adequacy of 
the methods employed to refit the man for a place in 
society. In so far as it performs this whole work, i^ 
will perform the work included within it of offering a 
social centre. 

A large number of missions direct their efforts 
entirely to reaching sailors. Sometimes they are 
churches, mariners' churches. They are also known as 
Port Societies, Seamen's Institutes, and Sailors' Homes. 
There is no denying the special needs of this class of 
men, since many have no homes in the ports which they 
visit and are exposed to the temptations which the 
saloon affords. Sailors need spiritual ministry, but 



136 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the social needs are so overwhelming that they would 
seem to demand greater recognition than as yet they 
have received. If possible, it would be well to have 
tl» religious services of the mission held apart from 
the reading and social rooms. The reading-room 
ought always to have the latest papers and magazines, 
instead of being filled with last year contributions from 
churches and families. The plan of having the build- 
ings controlled by the men themselves has been tried with 
success in some of the sailors' missions. The frequent 
absence for prolonged intervals of many men does not 
prevent the establishment of a committee upon which 
those may serve who are to be in port or near at hand 
for a longer or shorter season. 

Such are some of the more common types of missions. 
As for the Salvation Army and the Volunteers of 
America, these, too, prefer to treat the question of the 
saloon and its patronage from a spiritual standpoint 
rather than one merely of sociology or of ethics. Their 
peculiar duty is to bear heavily upon the hearts and 
consciences of mankind. This is the work they do 
with what consecration and success all the world knows. 
The Salvation Army has proved two things that the 
modern world needed to have freshly demonstrated : 
the power of the Gospel both to reach and to uplift 
the most degraded, the outcasts and the criminals ; and 
the power of the Gospel to attract to its service men 
and women of intelligence and culture who take literally 
the word of the Master that they leave all and follow 
Him. In this demonstration of the vitality of Chris- 
tianity in its most humane and missionary aspects lies 
the deepest service of the Salvation Army. Besides 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 137 

this it may fairly be claimed for it that it reaches the 
masses as the ordinary mission does not do. Their 
work is prosecuted with success, and the sincerity of 
its promoters has disarmed much criticism. 

From the beginning, social service has been one of 
the great underlying ideas of the Salvation Army 
movement, which aims to care for the temporal as well 
as the spiritual needs of men. A large part of the 
social work of the army, such as the project of country 
colonization, the means for providing temporary work 
in factories, labor yards, and work-shops, for securing 
permanent employment by labor bui'eaus, the work for 
children, the rescue homes, the hospitals and dispensa- 
ries, lies outside of the present discussion. Two forms 
of social enterprise in which the Volunteers of America 
and the Church Army participate must be described 
later, — the food depots, cheap restaurants and coffee- 
houses, and the shelters and workingmen's hotels. 
With these eliminations there is left the social oppor- 
tunity offered by the stations or barracks of the army, 
of which there are no less than 684 in the different cities 
of the country. These halls are always ready to be 
thrown open in times of special need. During the bliz- 
zards of winter, they give shelter to hundreds of home- 
less and freezing persons on the streets. Nearly two 
thousand homeless and destitute men and women were 
given food and shelter one night two winters ago in the 
shelters and barracks established by the army in the 
Borough of Manhattan. And it must be said that the 
army has demonstrated its sincerity to a degree which 
removes the repellent atmosphere adhering so often to 
religious institutions. The social value of these halls 



138 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

may be expressed in the words of a young man who 
said as he was leaving, " Coming in here has kej)t me 
out of the saloon for one night at any rate," and 
without any doubt he was but one of many hundreds. 
Still it is evident that since the rooms are intended 
primarily for purposes of evangelization, their influence 
as a social resort must be limited. It might be wished 
that the Salvation Army and other organizations would 
enter the field of substitution. Indeed, this has been 
begun. Public reading-rooms have in a few instances 
been established, but generally in connection with army 
headquarters. If such rooms could be thrown open 
along any of the streets of our cities, and provided with 
current papers and magazines, they would attract more 
visitors than they do now. One of the more radical 
commissioners of the army expressed himself in favor 
of having a smoking-room annexed to one of the halls. 
The halls of the Salvation Army and other armies 
are invariably located in the right spots. Their work- 
ers are almost without exception free from prejudice, 
and have a good hold upon the people. The army is 
in a position to do a larger work in providing for the 
temporary social needs of hundreds in our cities than it 
has yet attempted. 

It is impossible to appreciate the spirit and aim of 
the Young Men's Christian Association without under- 
standing precisely the motives of its founders, which 
have continued to be its ruling purpose. What im- 
pressed George Williams, when he went to London in 
1841, was the appalling indifference to religion among 
multitudes of young men. His one object in beginning 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 139 

the work wliicli has grown to such dimensions was to 
awaken an interest in religion among the young trades- 
men of London. There was no other thought than to 
win men to a personal acceptance of religion. In a few 
years the methods employed broadened somewhat, but 
the purpose of the association itself was unaltered. 
It was still a " united body of young men working for 
Jesus Christ in the sphere of their daily calling." It 
was essentially a missionary movement, the field being 
limited to the young men engaged in the trades and 
commerce of a modern city. The success of the asso- 
ciation in the eyes of its promoters was evidenced in 
the fact that many were converted by its efforts. 

This was the aim of all associations that were formed 
in America after the English models. It was to be 
an evangelistic effort on the part of Christian young 
men to bring others under religious influences. Noon 
prayer meetings, Sunday evening lectures, mission 
Sunday schools, — these were the methods commonly 
employed, and to-day when so much has been added 
to the original conception, the religious idea is still 
uppermost. All else is a means to this end. The 
one supreme aim is the extension of the kingdom of 
Christ among young men. " The object of this associ- 
ation," says one report, " is to persuade men to begin 
and continue in the Christian life." Educational and 
social features are contributed, but they are never the 
one determining end in themselves. That end is and 
always has been " the one unswerving devotion to the 
aim of winning young men to become Christians." ^ 

1 History of the Young Men's Christian Association, by L. L. Dog- 
gett, p. 61. 



140 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

The development of the institution has been very 
rapid. Some causes for its success are the phenomenal 
growth of city population, which has made the problem 
of reaching the young men more and more pressing ; 
the fact that the movement put into practical expression 
the growing sense of denominational cooperation ; that 
it became an exponent of the modern spirit of Chris- 
tianity, which contemplates the development of the 
whole nature of a man, and finally that it offered to 
Christian laymen a practical field for religious effort. 
The adoption of the new methods of work, which made 
provision for the intellectual, social, and j^hysical needs 
of young men, had much to do with this growth. Up 
to 1870, after twenty years of effort, the associations 
had acquired little permanent property and had few 
paid workers. Under the new policy, local associations 
began to multiply, buildings were erected, and paid offi- 
cers became the rule. To-day (Year Book of 1900) 
the total number of associations in existence in North 
America is 1439 ; 1293 of these report an aggregate 
membership of 255,472. The net value of buildings 
and all other property is estimated at over §20,000,000. 
The current expenses of 984 of these associations was 
over two and a half millions of dollars for the year. 

The opportunities which a modern Young Men's 
Christian Association offers to young men are too well 
known to need description. The dues are not over 
ten dollars a year for all the privileges, including the 
gymnasium, and sometimes they are as low as five 
dollars.^ Three dollars invariably admits to everything 

1 There are only two associations that charge over ten dollars for all 
privileges. 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 141 

but the gymnasium, and often for one dollar one obtains 
the use for a year of a good reading-room, all kinds of 
amusements, evening classes, and clubs. The gymna- 
siums are often the very finest in the city. The evening 
classes take the place of a first-class business college. 
The social rooms are fitted up with every comfort. In 
some associations meals are served for the benefit of 
clerks, and young business men. Employment bureaus 
are common. Never before have the physical, mental, 
and social needs of young men been more amply sup- 
plied than in a modern Christian Association building. 
It is impossible not to be impressed with the value of its 
influence upon those who are connected with it. Many 
young men who frequent these association halls, which 
are kept open every night, are preserved from the temp- 
tations of city life. They are the ceiitres of best influ- 
ences. A young man is always sure there of a personal 
interest, of good advice, of a helping hand, and hun- 
dreds receive there what they would never obtain else- 
where. 

Special mention ought to be made of one department 
of the Association, The work for railroad men was 
begun in 1872. There are now 151 railroad associa- 
tions, with a membership of 32,000. They are made 
especially attractive for railroad men, who may become 
members irrespective of creed, for whose needs special 
provision is made in the way of lodgings, smoking and 
reading rooms, lunch counters, and evening classes. 
These associations are " homes away from home." 
That the railroad corporations appreciate their work 
is shown by the fact that they make an annual appro- 
priation of $175,000 for their support. Foreign gov- 



142 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

ernments are beginning to realize the importance of 
this work, and are seeking to establish similar institu- 
tions for railroad employees. In what follows, an excep- 
tion must in part be made of this department of the 
Christian association work. 

It is evident at once that association buildings, with 
all their splendid equipment, are not great democratic 
centres like Cooper Union and the public libraries, 
and that the Association itself is hardly a factor in what 
may be called the industrial problem. A few statistics 
will make this clear. The institution reaches, with all its 
different branches, but a fraction of the young men in 
any city, and the buildings, as a rule, are a long way 
from being filled to their utmost capacity, although 
thousands of men without work are needing a place of 
rest and amusement. Baltimore has at least 75,000 
young men among its population, but the total Young 
Men's Christian Association membership is but 2398. 
All the New York branches have a combined member- 
ship of 4479 out of a total constituency of 550,000 men. 
Looking at the country at large, we find, according to 
the census of 1890, a total of 6,119,646 men between 
the ages of 16 and 44.^ In the 500 towns which sup- 
port Young Men's Christian Associations, we find a 
membership of 169,299 (Year Book of 1899), or about 
three per cent of the total. In Chicago there are 456,- 
964 men. Of these in the four departments of the 
Young Men's Christian Association, there are but 4721 
members, or but one per cent of the total. 

1 These statistics and those following relating to Chicago are taken 
from a report prepared by Mr. J. T. Oaks and other members of the 
Chicago Association upon the religious condition of young men in the 
United States. 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 143 

Of greater importance is the question of the class 
of young men who actually make use of the associa- 
tion privileges. Of these young men it may be said 
that they consist of those who are in the main reli- 
gious in temperament, who are not adverse to a reli- 
gious environment ; that the majority of them have 
social connections in the city in which they reside ; 
and that they come from the better class of working- 
men, tradesmen and clerks, or members of professions, 
and not from the class of unskilled labor. 

It has been said, by some in authority, that at least 
sixty per cent of the young men connected with any 
association could be considered as belonging to the 
category of religious men — men, that is, who have 
come from Christian homes. In the Chicago Associa- 
tion (Central Department) sixty-seven per cent attend 
evangelical churches, while forty-four per cent indi- 
cate membership in some Protestant church. If these 
figures are at all representative, they show that the 
natural constituency of the association is limited to a 
very distinct portion of the men of our cities. For the 
most part, they are Protestant, and of these a con- 
siderable percentage are already affiliated with the 
church. 

Again, it can be shown by figures from at least one 
association that its influence upon the class of young 
men who are comparative strangers is rather meagre. 
We have taken the records of new members join- 
ing the principal branches in New York during the 
year 1897 with reference to length of residence in 
the city. 



144 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 





One Month. 


One Month and 
DNDEE One Yeak. 


Twenty-third Street Branch 
West Side Branch . . . 

Harlem 

East Side Branch . . . 
Young Men's Institute. . 
German Branch .... 
French Branch .... 




115 
39 
12 

10 
14 
14 


Per cent. 
14.47 
6.02 
2.42 

3.66 

9.52 

21.87 


130 
71 
44 
1 
17 
16 
22 


Per cent. 
16.35 
10.96 

8.87 
.50 

6.22 
10.89 
34.37 


Total 


204 


7.78 


301 


11.47 





One Yeae and undeb 
Five Yeabs. 


Five Yeaes and 
oveh. 


Twenty-third Street Br 
West Side Branch . 


an 


3h 




153 

122 

73 

13 

28 

9 

18 


Per cent. 
19.25 
18.83 
14.72 

6.50 
10.22 

6.12 
28.13 


258 

242 

145 

64 

154 

29 

10 


Per cent. 
32.45 
37.34 
29 23 


East Side Branch 
Young Men's Institute 
German Branch . . 
French Branch . . 






32.00 
56.41 
19.73 
15.63 


Total 


416 


15.86 


902 


34.39 





Lifetime. 


Total. 


Twenty-third Street Branch .... 
West Side Branch 


139 
174 

222 

122 

64 

79 


Per cent. 
17.48 
26.85 
44.76 
61.00 
23.44 
53.74 


795 
648 
496 


East Side Branch 

Young Men's Institute 


200 
273 
147 




64 






Total 


800 


30.50 


2623 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 145 

It is therefore evident that but a small proportion 
of those who become intimately acquainted with this 
association are actually strangers in the city. These 
may occasionally frequent the rooms, but they do not 
at once find a home there. On the whole, it may be 
said that the Association finds its principal field among 
the young men who presumably have fixed social con- 
nections. Excellent as the work of the Association is, 
it leaves untouched the question of social recreation 
for the young men coming to New York without any 
acquaintances and striving to make their way. 

That the membership of the Association is not re- 
cruited from the ranks of unskilled labor may be seen 
by scanning the rolls of any association membership. 
Of the 289 members of the Young Men's Institute 
branch in New York, 98 are clerks and salesmen, 45 
are mechanics, 23 printers and lithographers, and 14 
engineers and firemen. Of the 3547 members of the 
Central Department of the Chicago Association, 251T 
are engaged in mercantile pursuits, 557 in the profes- 
""sions, 402 perform skilled labor, and only 71 are un- 
skilled laborers. Or, if we look at the question of 
nationality, we discover that although fifty-eight per 
cent of the wage-earners of Chicago are foreign born, 
and only twenty per cent are native Americans, no 
less than seventy-seven per cent of the membership 
of the Central Department are Americans and only 
twenty-three per cent are foreign born or of foreign 
parentage. 

If this evidence is at all conclusive, it is apparent 
that the Association is doing a splendid social work 
among a certain number of young men in our large 



146 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

cities, its constituency being composed of mechanics 
and tradesmen who are for the most part native-born 
and fixed residents, inclined by training and tempera- 
ment to religious ideas ; but that it is failing to reach 
the mass of the men in our cities who desperately need 
the very advantages which the Association offers. 

Such a conclusion will draw forth varying replies. 
One will be that such a constituency is the legitimate 
field of association effort ; that the Association does 
not seek to be a factor in the industrial problem ; 
that if the doors should be flung open to every one, 
those whom the Association most desires to help would 
not remain ; that it is on the whole better policy to 
work for a few and do much for them rather than to 
shelter and amuse hundreds for whom nothing more 
could be done. Such a view is not necessarily narrow. 
Apjjarent limitation is often the highest wisdom. 

Others will be dissatisfied, unwilling that before so 
great a need the Association should continue to min- 
ister to so few and to those who seem least in need. 
They will seek to amend the constitution, to adopt 
new methods whereby the constituency will be in- 
creased. They will advocate the abolishment of the 
"membership" test requiring a controlling member of 
the Association to belong to some evangelical church. 
By making the Association less of a church annex, 
they will hojic to attract those who are not in sym- 
pathy with religious ideas. They will favor the erec- 
tion of lodging-houses, the maintenance of coffee- 
houses, restaurants and reading-rooms to be used by 
all, in which the religious element makes no appear- 
ance. They will seek to introduce amusements like 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 147 

billiards, smoking, and card-playing, maintaining that 
under right conditions these are not vicious, that there 
is no reason why they should not have their place in 
an institution whose aim is to minister to all classes of 
men. The State Association of Connecticut already 
permits the use of billiards in the different Associa- 
tions, and the state secretary writes that this form of 
amusement has done no harm and has " helped mate- 
rially in holding the membership." 

The most radical proposition of all will insist upon 
a utilization of the present Young Men's Christian 
Association buildings in all our cities as resorts for 
the wage-earner no matter what sacrifice the change 
may involve. Here is the greatest need and the 
most difficult work now confronting American Chris- 
tianity. All means thus far employed have proved 
totally inadequate. And here stand expensive and 
splendidly equipped buildings by no means filled to 
their utmost capacity, which thousands of men will 
never think of entering so long as they remain centres 
for evangelistic or religious work. A separation of 
religious exercises from association buildings will be 
seen to be the only solution of the problem, and the 
buildings will then be thrown open to workingmen, 
and the prejudice which at present keeps them away 
will gradually disappear. 

As to the present constitution and traditions of the 
Association no change would be necessary. Keligious 
services and Bible classes will be held in adjacent church 
buildings. Bands of young men in all our churches 
will be eni'olled as Association members, and a real 
service will have been rendered in thus connecting 



148 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

religiously inclined young men immediately witli the 
churches. The benefits to the Association would be 
incalculable if by this means the association buildings 
might minister to the needs of thousands of those who 
most need help in the midst of the social evils of our 
city life. 

The one essential condition of a Settlement is the 
residence of one or more persons among the poorer 
classes, for the purpose of ascertaining and supplying, 
in some degree, their needs. The settlement, no mat- 
ter of what name or kind, realizes the ideal of a social 
democracy. The attitude of the settlement toward all 
questions of reform, toward the problem of the saloon 
in its relation to the people, for example, is clearly seen 
by this definition of its real position in the social organ- 
ism. It is the natural opponent of any effort to reform 
actual conditions that does not proceed from a correct 
appreciation of those conditions based upon a personal 
experience of them, for in this way reform becomes in- 
terference from without, does not spring from a real 
sense of brotherhood. Any effort to practice upon one 
class of society theories conceived by another class has 
the fatal defect inherent in any divided social order. 
When, as realized by the settlement, society is not two 
but one, then the woes of the one will become the woes 
of tlae other and the needs of one the needs of the other, 
and only then can true reform be either justly con- 
ceived or successfully achieved. 

The temper of settlement work varies according as 
the em2:)hasis is laid upon the personal force or uY)on 
the development of institutional activity. Thus the 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 149 

aim of one settlement is described in these terms : " Our 
settlement has for its aim to develop through study and 
action in this single locality new ways of meeting some 
of the serious problems of society, such as may be ap- 
plied in other places, and to draw into this effort the 
finest available powers of heart and mind." A personal 
influence is the chief opponent of the saloon. 

The value of such a method of work is not express- 
ible in facts or figures. Its influence in overcoming 
the hold of the saloon cannot be computed ; it must be 
inferred. The effort is to create social resources in the 
personal life, in the home, and in the natural associa- 
tions of the people which will lessen the appeal of the 
saloons. The desire of a higher kind of recreation is 
created and fostered. As the life of the community 
becomes itself more beautiful, the coarser elements of 
the environment occupy a proportionately inferior posi- 
tion and exert a gradually diminishing influence. Like 
any other growth, this development is gradual, but it is 
none the less real. Evidences of its progress, however, 
are not wanting. It is seen in the growing sense of 
self-respect in many families that feel the influence of 
the settlement. It is seen in the looks and the dress 
of the children. It is found in the decrease of visible 
drunkenness in the neighborhood ; it is evidenced in 
the growth of better ideals, in an increased interest in 
the higher concerns of life. To illustrate from the ex- 
perience of a single settlement, which is the experience 
of them all : The head worker says that in the course 
of nearly five years he has not known on the premises 
one dozen cases of intoxication, while there used to be 
that number every week. Of even more interest is his 



150 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

estimate that to-day not thirty per cent of the men 
connected in one way or another with the settlement 
vote for Tammany, while five years ago they were a 
unit in their support of the Tammany ticket. 

There is no need to specify the means by which such 
results are attained. The point to be borne in mind is 
this : that even where settlements are not institutions, 
where they do little in the way of direct substitution, 
of offering an asylum from the social evils of the com- 
munity, they still exert a powerful and pervasive influ- 
ence in overcoming the attractions of the saloon. If 
there were one direction in which it might be wished 
that this influence should make itself felt, it is upon the 
life of the existing adult clubs of the community, and 
especially the young men's clubs, which remain as sheep 
having no shepherd. It is the most needed, and the 
least attempted of all the forms of settlement work in 
America to-day. 

But no settlement contents itself with being only the 
centre of a personal influence, but seeks to improve 
the external conditions of life by whatever means it can. 
The activities of any settlement depend upon the size 
of the building, the number of residents, and upon the 
kind of work which the settlement proposes for the 
most part to do. 

Most settlements devote their energies chiefly to the 
children and to the young people. It is the exception 
to find large numbers of men over twenty-five years of 
age connected directly with any of the settlements. 
The age at which the boy drops away varies. Some 
give it at eighteen years, others at twenty and others 
at twenty -one, and all agree that it becomes iucreas- 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 151 

ingly difficult after that age to hold and interest the 
men. To this fact must be added another, and that is 
the lack of equipment, which prevents many settle- 
ments from doing for the men the kind of work they 
would like to undertake. A large room in which smok- 
ing is permitted is the essential condition for any such 
work, and even this many settlements do not possess. 
Some have buildings adjacent to the settlement house 
itself in which many methods of providing for the social 
life of the neighborhood are successfully carried on. 

The most common, and the most useful of these as 
a means of recreation, are the entertainments of a 
social nature given from time to time, to which both 
men and women are admitted. These entertainments 
never fail to attract the people in large numbers, and 
it is interesting to observe that the numbers have been 
the greatest when the programme was presented by 
the young people themselves. One settlement jiro- 
vided thirty-one of these entertainments from October 
to May, the total attendance being 6731. Nearly 
every settlement has its dancing class. The op]3ortu- 
nities thus offered for social enjoyment in the midst of 
elevating surroundings is in every way beneficial. 
Some of the pupils of dancing classes have been led 
to join other classes, and a few have been stimulated 
to take a college education. Sometimes these social 
gatherings are even more informal and consist simply 
of a social hour for all who care to attend. But how- 
ever simple in character, they are direct substitutes for 
the saloon. The settlement is often the only place in 
the neighborhood at which rational and harmless amuse- 
ment can be enjoyed. 



152 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Next in importance as saloon substitutes are the 
different clubs and classes for men. Almost without 
exception, these clubs, if they are not of a wholly 
social nature, are for the study or discussion of current 
political, economic, or sociological problems. These are 
the interests, as we have seen, which command the 
attention of the adult wage-earners of any community. 
For the older men are sometimes provided occasional 
conferences on modern problems. To these discussions 
women are admitted. For the younger men similar 
discussions and debates are attractive. The club that 
will hold the interest longest is a citizenship club, or 
an economic club, or some association that tends to 
bring the members into intelligent connection with the 
problems of the day. The school extension class of 
one settlement graduates its members into the munici- 
pal departments. Eleven men have gone from it into 
the police, thirteen into the department of street 
cleaning, and another into the office of sewer assess- 
ments. The citizenship club of another settlement 
was instrumental in calling a public meeting on the 
water question. Almost invariably it is found that 
some such methods as these must be employed if the 
young men are to be held after they have been gradu- 
ated from the boys' clubs. 

But what is needed above everything else is a plan 
by which young men may be held to the settlement 
instead of drifting away, as is so often the case. Un- 
less this can be accomplished, the work of the settle- 
ments for men must at the best be the least successful 
of their different activities. The best plan for retain- 
ing the hold upon the men is to give them a real 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 153 

responsibility in the control of the settlement house as 
a whole, and not merely to train them in the habits of 
self-government within their own organizations. The 
method rests upon the simple proposition that with 
adult life comes a growing sense of independence, a 
growing sense of restraint under management, how- 
ever beneficent, a growing desire to initiate, and to 
control. Young people of a certain age much prefer 
to do things rather than to have things done for them. 
It is here that the guild idea has its hold. The 
guild committee' of the University Settlement, to which 
reference has already been made, does things and feels 
free to criticise points of management or policy which 
do not meet their approval. It can act in a legislative 
capacity upon some matters, and is an advisory board 
to the head worker upon others. The results of such 
a plan have been plainly seen in the continuous hold 
which the settlement has maintained upon those clubs 
after their members have grown to adult years. The 
original young men's club does not exist to-day, 
it is true ; but the only reason for this is that the 
neighborhood has changed, and the German families, 
from which the club was recruited, have moved away. 
The club, originally composed of boys from fourteen 
to eighteen years of age, now men of from twenty-five 
to twenty-nine years old, still exists with practically 
the same members. 

But the work of the settlements in counteracting the 
social attractions of the saloon goes beyond an indi- 
rect influence upon the neighborhood as a whole, and 
even beyond direct provision for the social needs of 
its own constituency. The effort has been made to 



154 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

establish and operate direct social substitutes open to 
all the residents of the neighborhood, whether or not 
they are connected with the settlement itself. This is 
a recent development and one which has not as yet 
been carried very far. Reading-rooms, diet kitchens, 
and coffee-houses have been established and success- 
fully conducted ; and a few settlements in the country 
are endeavoring to meet this problem by the most 
heroic of all means. The settlement house itself is made 
a home for families or individuals, and supplies within 
that home means of sociability and of self-improve- 
ment. In the city of Buffalo a tenement block with no 
fewer than one hundred families in it was rented by a 
settlement worker. It was one of the worst in the city 
and in the worst possible location. The block was put 
in good repair and rented to fifty-six tenants, who have 
sub-rented until it is occupied at present by full one 
hundred families, only now certain rules of hygiene 
are insisted upon ; classes have been started and clubs 
organized from among the occupants. There are 
amusement rooms and entertainments, a library and 
a savings bank, and, needless to say, a new order of 
life among the little colony of five hundred people. 

There is every reason for believing that the provi- 
sion for direct substitutes can be accomplished more 
speedily and managed more wisely by the settlements 
than by any other agency. This would be a most fortu- 
nate extension of the fund of wisdom and of consecrated 
personal energy already represented by the fourscore 
of settlements existing to-day in America. There 
would doubtless be no aversion upon the part of the 
settlement people to undertake the responsibility. 



THE CHURCH, MISSION, AND SETTLEMENT. 155 

They possess a knowledge of the field not possessed or 
obtainable by any others than actual residents and 
trained observers. They have a habit of mind which 
precludes the possibility of any taint of patronage in 
their several undertakings. They are not " foreign- 
ers " who are invading for the purposes of reform. 
And last but not least, they are free from any religious 
or temperance bias which subjectively and objectively 
alike has proved the ruin of many a well-intentioned 
enterprise. If churches, Women's Christian Temper- 
ance unions, Young People's societies, and private 
individuals would utilize the settlements as their 
agents in such schemes, instead of attempting to man- 
age them alone, there would be fewer failures in the 
difficult work of substitution. 



CHAPTER VII. 

INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 

Many o£ the resorts of the people during the winter 
months have already been described : the evening 
schools, lectures and classes of all kinds, the reading- 
rooms and libraries. Such clubs as are at the disposal 
of the working people are now crowded. All of these 
furnish a certain amount of amusement and recreation. 
It is the purpose of the present chapter, however, to 
endeavor to estimate the ethical value of certain dis- 
tinctively amusement agencies, especially as they oper- 
ate as substitutes for the saloon. 

A discussion of the value of billiard and pool rooms 
as social centres is simplified somewhat by the discovery 
that the opportunity to indulge in this pastime is gen- 
erally inseparable from the sale of intoxicating liquors. 
The saloons and the hotels furnish ordinarily the 
rendezvous for the billiard player. The number of 
billiard rooms or halls in any city which exist entirely 
separate from a saloon or a bar is very limited. In 
Baltimore only thirteen were to be found, of which one 
was situated next to a saloon and another had a passage 
connecting it with an adjacent bar-room. In Denver of 
seventy-six pool and billiard rooms, sixty were licensed 
as adjuncts of saloons or clubs, and of the remainder 
several were next door to a saloon. Chicago has one hun- 
dred and forty billiard halls, but only those in the local 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 157 

option districts of Hyde Park and Englewood are free 
from the sale of liquors. In Philadelphia and Boston, 
where comparatively few of the saloons have appliances 
for either billiards or pool, many more billiard-rooms 
were found ; but even where their number is sufficiently 
large appreciably to effect the situation, their depend- 
ence upon adjacent saloons is commonly too great to give 
them much value as saloon substitutes. Frequently the 
billiard-room is placed as near as possible to a saloon, 
sometimes above it, sometimes next door to it, often 
with a connecting passage. The idea of the billiard- 
room proprietor is, generally speaking, to see how many 
of the saloon patrons he can attract to his own estab- 
lishment after or between drinks. He does not seri- 
ously contemplate building up a patronage of his own. 
One proprietor computed it in this way : " The saloon 
next me does a business aggregating a thousand dollars 
a week. I expect fully fifty per cent of this patronage 
to come to me during the evening and on Saturday 
afternoons, to ' loaf between drinks.' In this way I 
can do business." In New York it was not evident 
that many of the billiard halls had a saloon connection. 
They seemed to shift their location frequently, evidently 
seeking the cheapest rents. But an examination of the 
places and of their patrons showed that the relation 
between them and the saloons was very close. It is 
doubtful also if the " atmosphere " of ordinary billiard- 
rooms is appreciably different from that of the saloon, 
or if it really encourages its patrons to any higher 
standard of conduct. It is commonly the loafing-place 
of the toughs and sports of the neighborhood who are 
already confirmed saloon patrons. It is the stepping- 



158 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

stone to the saloon of the youth who has not already 
contracted the drink habit. In a word, the transition 
from the pool-room to the saloon is very easy, and the 
patrons of the one are already or tend very naturally 
to become patrons of the other. 

The question of how far the billiard hall fosters the 
gambling habit is a difficult one to answer. Of course, 
playing for drinks or for the cost of a game, in itself 
a gambling device, is a common matter of courtesy. 
Beyond this certain billiard-rooms in any city undoubt- 
edly exist, well known to the " talent," where bets are 
made and encouraged by the proprietor, but in general 
it can probably be said that billiards is not a gambling 
game. It depends too much on skill, too little on 
chance, and gives no opportunity for cheating. As one 
man put it, "Professional gamblers won't touch bil- 
liards ; it 's too honest a game." ^ Yet all things con- 
sidered, it must be admitted that the billiard-rooms of 
our cities as they exist are not in any legitimate sense 
ethical substitutes for the saloon. The same estimate 
must be made of the bowling-alleys, and, to a less 
extent, of the shooting-galleries, although the latter are 
not numerous enough seriously to enter into the pro- 
blem. They both cater to the saloon trade rather than 
offset it. They are a saloon annex rather than a saloon 
rival. It thus unfortunately comes to pass that even 
the most popular games requiring skill and intelligence 
are found to be in such close connection with the drink 
habit that they cannot be counted among the number 
of the all too few means of offsetting it. The situa- 
tion certainly suggests the possibility of rescuing these 

1 From the Chicago report. 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 159 

legitimate means of entertainment from the associations 
which tend to degrade them, of making them helpful 
instead of harmful centres of recreation. Under com- 
petent management they would certainly be self-sup- 
porting. 

In every city, especially in the tenement districts, 
there are public halls which serve as centres for the 
social life of the neighborhood. A study of the differ- 
ent forms of social activity carried on in these halls 
gives one an idea of the scope of the social life of the 
working people. These halls are in effect the common 
drawing-rooms, ballrooms, and music-rooms of hun- 
dreds of families living in the same district. Not only 
concerts and dances, but private weddings and family 
celebrations as well are commonly given in them. The 
best known and best managed of these halls are in 
constant demand.^ The manager of one of them in the 
East Side of New York said recently that a series of 
balls and weddings had just closed which had run 
through twenty-seven nights. These halls will accom- 
modate from five to twelve hundred persons, and can 
be rented for thirty dollars a night for a wedding or a 
ball. The manager of the dance pays for the hall, 
hires an orchestra of from four to six instruments, and 
expects to be more than repaid by the sale of tickets at 
twenty-five and thirty-five cents. 

These halls are also the headquarters of the dancing 

classes and academies. The social value of these classes 

is very great. They afford one of a very few means of 

recreation where the sexes can meet upon a decent 

^ Year Book of the University Settlement of New York, 1899, p. 39. 



IGO SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

footing. For the most part these dancing classes are 
respectably conducted, and there is a good deal of taste 
and refinement to be found even in the poorest. The 
use of liquors between dances is seldom carried too far. 
The chief object is to have a social evening, and those 
who attend are more bent on social enjoyment than 
upon drinking. Moreover the dancers are on specially 
good behavior, since they know that otherwise they will 
lose their proficiency, and there is considerable compe- 
tition for the distinction of being the most graceful 
dancer. 

The question of the ethical value of these amusement 
centres depends upon the use to which they are put 
and upon the presence or absence of the bar. Some 
halls acquire a bad name and become the rendezvous 
for the rougher classes of girls and men. In some 
cities the proprietor is always licensed to maintain a 
bar, and then intoxication is common, especially at the 
larger dances, when between seven and eight hundred 
persons attend. At smaller dances, greater respecta- 
bility is maintained because the company is more select. 
At the weddings excessive drinking is rare. It is at 
the public balls that disorder is at its height, when the 
beer flows freely. All this emphasizes the need of 
public meeting-places where liquor is not served and 
where a high social tone may be cultivated. Just as 
the summer problem is one of getting out of door meet- 
ing-places and breathing-spaces, so the winter calls for 
respectable, quiet, and well-ventilated public halls as 
the solution of its social problem. 

A common form of amusement for men is furnished 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 161 

by the athletic clubs or associations which conduct 
boxing and sparring exhibitions during the winter 
months. In Philadelphia, for example, there are no 
less than six such associations, and the bouts occur in 
the season at very frequent intervals. ^ All who are 
interested in the better conditions for the working peo- 
ple will agree that this sport, even at its best, is not a 
desirable form of amusement, yet it is impossible not 
to say a word in its defense. In the first place, it must 
be recognized that a good deal of surplus energy can 
be worked off at these places in a very short time. 
The thirst for excitement, which often drives a man to 
drink, is here quickly satisfied. The interest is per- 
haps more intense than at any other kind of sport. 
Here is competition in its most vivid form ; the atten- 
tion is strained to the last degree. A man goes home 
exhausted after such an evening. He has had all that 
he can stand of excitement for the time being. Then, 
too, the element of brutality at these limited round 
contests is not so great as might be imagined. As a 
rule, the six-round contests at the Arena or the Indus- 
trial Hall of Philadelphia are much less brutal than 
the average football or wrestling match. The man- 
agers, for one thing, do not enjoy the notoriety which 
bruising contests bring them, and do their best to 
avoid their occurrence. Eio^hteen minvites does not 
offer sufficient time for any great amount of damage 
to be done, especially since neither of the principals 
is anxious to score a " knock out." Disgusting, then, 
as these contests often are from an aesthetic or even 
moral point of view, they are not an unmitigated evil 

1 From the Philadelphia report. 



1C2 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

by any means, for often they seem to develop the vir- 
tue of honesty as well as to put a premium upon pluck. 
In " A Ten Years' War," Mr. Riis describes one of 
these " mills " and brings out the point of which we 
have spoken.^ " The hall was jammed with a rough 
and noisy crowd, hotly intent upon its favorite. His 
opponent, who hailed, I think, from somewhere in 
Delaware, was greeted with hostile demonstrations as 
a 'foreigner.' But as the battle wore on, and he 
was seen to be fair and manly, while the New Yorker 
struck one foul blow after another, the attitude of the 
<;rowd changed rapidly from enthusiastic approval of 
the favorite to scorn and contempt; and in the last 
round, when he knocked the Delawarean over with a 
foul blow, the audience rose in a body and yelled to 
have the fight given to the ' foreigner,' until my 
blood tingled with pride. For the decision would 
leave it practically without a cent. It had staked all 
it had on the New Yorker. ' He is a good man,' I 
heard on all sides, while the once favorite sneaked 
away without a friend. ' Good ' meant fair and manly 
to that crowd. I thought, as I went to the office the next 
morning, that it ought to be easy to aj^peal to such a 
people with measures that were fair and just, if we 
could only get on common ground. But the only hint 
I got from my reform paper was an editorial denuncia- 
tion of the brutality of boxing, on the same page that 
had an enthusiastic review of the college football sea- 
son. I do not suppose it did any harm, for the j)aper 
was probably not read by one of the men it had set 
out to reform. Yet suppose it had been, how much 
1 A Ten Years' War, pp. 258, 259. 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 163 

would it have appealed to them ? Exactly the quali- 
ties of robust manliness which football is supposed to 
encourage in college students had been evoked by the 
trial of strength and skill which they had witnessed. 
As to the brutality, they knew that fifty yoimg men 
are maimed or killed at football to one who fairs ill 
in a boxing-match. Would it seem to them common 
sense, or cant and humbug ? " 

Of the smaller amusement enterprises which appear 
from time to time along the streets of our cities, there 
is little to be said in this place. Their influence upon 
the social life of the people is meagre and intermit- 
tent. A shooting-gallery will attract for a time, the 
mutoscope will reap its harvest of pennies, and any 
novelty, if duly placed on exhibition with a suitable 
amount of advertising, will draw its crowds of boys 
and girls if not of men. The more stable of these 
places of entertainment are the dime museums, aqua- 
riums, and nickelodeons, which occupy a kind of middle 
ground between the circus and the playhouse. It is 
here that the three-legged boy or the double-headed 
woman, the orang-outang, and the sea serpent can be 
seen. It is here that Madame Bosca swallows live 
snakes, that the human ostrich eats nails and glass 
and knives, that the India-rubber man turns himself 
inside out. Usually there is a poor sort of dramatic 
entertainment given in an adjacent room called " com- 
edy skits " of doubtful taste ; clog-dancing, juggling, 
songs, and " acting " of all kinds have their place. 
The patronage of the best of these museums is gen- 
erally large. Thus Austin & Stone's Museum on 



164 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Scollay Square, Boston, is usually filled during the 
afternoon and evening at almost any season of the 
year. Something is going on there all the time, and 
the " fakes " are few. The crowd is made uj) very 
largely of men and boys whose idle time and spare 
dimes are consumed without much damajje being: done 
to their morals. The lowest of these places are very 
low. Between the best and worst are those which 
make a point of sensational advertisement. Within 
they are harmless enough, and when their true char- 
acter becomes too well known, they move on to another 
locality. The character of all these places, then, varies 
considerably. AVhere they are not absolutely bad, they 
have a certain value in the number and character of 
their constituency, whose time and money would better 
be spent there than in the saloons. 

The most important place of amusement for the 
people, together with the saloon and the public hall, is 
without doubt the theatre. It is necessary to see to 
what extent the theatre is available for the people and 
what its total influence is as a centre of recreation. 
It is important at the start to make a distinction, for 
the discussion of the saloon as a social centre reminds 
us that the line between the saloon-theatre and the 
theatre itself is not always very clear. Sometimes 
saloons have a theatre annex, and sometimes theatres 
permit smoking and drinking. A theatre, for the pur- 
pose of this discussion, is a place where a stage per- 
formance is given for which an admission price is 
charged. 

This eliminates the saloons which offer some sort of 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 165 

dramatic entertainment and the music halls. These 
music halls, so called, are in reality saloons of the 
lowest type run imder a different name. They are 
worse than ordinary saloons, since they combine the 
vice of prostitution with that of intemperance. Ad- 
mission is free. The women, after performing, fre- 
quently circulate through the hall in order to persuade 
the men to " set them up " to drinks. Needless to say 
these places are the centres of an immense amovmt of 
social vice. There is absolutely no good in them, and 
it is difficult to understand why they are allowed the 
protection of the law in any of our American cities. 
The same may be said of the saloon vaudeville shows. 
They are an unmitigated nuisance, a public misfortune 
of such dimensions that no time should be lost in abso- 
lutely prohibiting them. No saloon should be allowed 
to present any form of dramatic entertainment. Inva- 
riably, as might be expected, the performance is low 
and degrading. The tendency is always downward. 
The difficulty of drawing the people into decent places 
of amusement must be great when it has to rival the 
free saloon performances. The very men that frequent 
these places and the music halls are the men that most 
need decent recreation. Here is a sample of what they 
have given them in a well-known Chicago saloon- 
theatre : — 

PROGRAMME 

Week Beginning 
Monday, August 14, 1899. 

The performance will commence with 

the screaming comedy by Jim Smith, entitled 

McCracken's Reception. 



166 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Characters by Company. 

Staff 

Promoter . . « H. Besch. 

Matchmaker H. Blanchard. 

Referee Jim Smith. 

Bottleholder Fred Kettler. 

Timekeeper E. Jay Smith. 

Time, First Round in Favor of 

AlfNIE GOLDIE. 

The West Side Slasher, 

liEO FLOBENCE. 
BESSIE RAYMOND. 

She is Handy with Her Mitts. 
Jeffries' Next Opponent, 

MR. FKED HAWLEY. 
MABEL LEONDO, 

Heroine of a Million Matches — Parlor, Sulphur, and 
Otherwise. 

SADIE MARSH, 

The Victor of many Defeats. 

SMITH VS. FLORENCE, 

With a Bunch of Siler Gossip. 
^ The Airweight Champion, 

MISS NELLIE BURNS. 

The Misses 

GOLDIE VS. RAYMOND 

Will Meet All Comers. 
The Modern Atlas, 

GEORGE WILSON, 

In Feats of Heavy Lifting, etc. 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 167 

The Unknown and Undefeated 

ANNIE LESLIE. 
MISS TOPSY TURVY, 

In Training for a Rough House. 
A Good Trainer, Adviser, and Fixer, 

MABEL LEONDO. 

A Grand Wrestling-Match. 

MR. WILSON 

Will Meet a Different Man Each Evening. 

The effect of such an evening's entertainment is not 
difficult to imagine. The least that any American city- 
can do for its people is to prohibit immoral liquor 
sellers from debaucliing the minds of its citizens. 

There is no such thing in America to-day as a real 
theatre of the people, — a theatre, that is, specially 
designed to amuse and at the same time to instruct the 
working men and women of our cities and country dis- 
tricts. That is not to say that there are not some 
theatres which are accomplishing this end, but generally 
speaking, it is true that all of our theatres to-day are in 
the control of private capital if not of huge syndicates, 
whose prime object is to see how much they can make, 
without very much of idealism in a profession which 
by every right should command a good deal of it. 

This applies to high-priced and low-priced theatres 
alike, for the bond between the two is closer than most 
people suppose. The nearest approach to the ideal 
in our day is the occasional performance in the best 
theatres which appeals directly to the sympathies and 
best sentiments of the working people. When Jeffer- 
son or Maude Adams is playing, it is a pleasure to visit 



168 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the galleries, if only to see hundreds of the working 
people following the performance with the greatest 
delight. It makes one long for the dawn of the real 
metropolitan theatre for the people. 

If we look, however, simply at the theatres whose 
regvilar admission is as low as ten cents and never 
above fifty cents, the prospect is certainly not encour- 
aging. These theatres can be divided roughly into 
three classes, as they offer vaudeville performances, 
melodrama, or opera. The chief causes for discourage- 
ment lie in the number and character of the vaudeville 
or variety shows ; in the fact that the melodrama and 
standard plays are gradually losing their hold, and 
that the popular opera, an excellent institution, does 
not seem to attract the wage-earner, but has become 
rather the resort of the middle class. 

The low-priced vaudeville theatre is generally a poor, 
and often a vile place of amusement. There are good 
vaudeville theatres, but these are not intended for the 
working people. Keith's theatres in Boston and New 
York are an example. The performers are instructed 
to cut out of their parts anything suggestive or indeli- 
cate, under penalty of an immediate cancellation of the 
engagement. As a consequence, Keith's theatres are 
known to the " profession " as the " Sunday-school 
route." As another consequence, they are good places 
of amusement. Unhappily, they are not frequented 
by the people that most need them. The bulk of the 
attendance is made up of the thrifty middle class ; the 
poorer people do not attend except as an occasional 
luxury. The reason is that they are not expected to 
come, and they know it. Prices are not absolutely 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 169 

prohibitive ; indeed, they may be but a fraction above 
what they are in a lower class theatre in the next 
block, but a sense of the fitness of things, if not of 
personal inclination, keeps the laboring man from 
going to any one of these higher class vaudeville 
theatres. 

The Haymarket Theatre of Chicago is a possible 
illustration of a popular vaudeville theatre of the 
better class. The seats cost anywhere from ten to 
thirty cents, and the average attendance is four thou- 
sand, of which fifteen hundred are men. The pro- 
gramme includes acrobats and trained animals, the 
funny man and the kinetoscope, the cake walk, coon 
songs, and the " comedy skits." There is nothing to 
hurt in all this, for if the jokes are stale they are not 
bad, and the whole performance is well above the aver- 
age. The working girls crowd the matinees, and on 
Sundays the boys take their bread and butter and 
" camp out " all day. Of this theatre it may be said 
that it does a minimum of harm even if it does not do 
much good. 

But the vaudeville theatres to which women resort 
in any numbers are very few. This is of itself a suffi- 
cient index to their general character. Investigation 
reveals that there is good reason for their absence. It 
is not alone that smoking and drinking are often per- 
mitted in the cheap vaudeville houses ; indeed, it is 
doubtful if these privileges are often abused, for here 
the main thing Is the play, and not the drink. The 
drinking is an accommodation to the patron, not a 
source of gain to the proprietor. The man who has 
paid his dime or his quarter for the show wants the 



170 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

show ; the rest is an incident. It is the character of 
the show, then, that accounts for the absence of women. 
Even here there is possibly something favorable to be 
said. Take the matter of stage dress. We may have 
our own theories of what it ought to be. That does 
not prove, however, that if the costumes do not corre- 
spond to our sense of propriety, they are therefore 
necessarily immoral in their effect on others. Again, 
because the language is not refined, it does not follow 
that the results are altogether demoralizing. It is 
probably true that the ears that hear are accustomed 
to much worse than the theatre affords, and pass it by 
without much thought, looking for something novel 
to interest and fasten the attention.^ Within limits, 
then, a performance could shock a finer sensibility, 
and still do no appreciable added harm to those that 
witness it. But in freeing such theatres from one 
indictment, we have only brought upon them another. 
If such performances do not debase, they certainly do 
not uplift. Instead of directing the thoughts, as they 
easily might, to what is at least wholesome and novel, 
they select that which of all else most needs to be for- 
gotten, and thus give the mind no freedom, and offer 
it no outlet into the freshness and vigor of new life. 
This is the sin of such performances as are not posi- 
tively and grossly degrading. 

The programme will begin, for example, with a gayly 
costumed " Burletta," or operetta. It is entitled " A 
Tenderloin Soiree." It represents a midnight banquet, 
followed by a masked ball, with much drinking and 
singing and gambling, culminating in a grand raid by 
^ From the Philadelphia report. 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 171 

the police. Following this comes the " polite " or up-to- 
date vaudeville part of the programme. Now the con- 
tortionists, the jugglers, the Irish comedians, the skirt 
dancers, the solo singers appear. Sometimes the acro- 
bats do well ; the singers and comedians are invariably 
the worst part of the programme. They are unac- 
countably coarse, and sometimes vile in their parts. 
If a prizefighter is not on hand to punch the bag, or 
to spar with a " partner," the vitascope will reproduce 
the last great fight. A year or so ago, living pictures 
would have been represented. Occasionally they are 
still seen, with spicy dialogues as interludes. A comedy 
sketch is an invariable feature, which usually harps on 
family quarrels and divorce suits, and only rarely 
touches on a real bit of human sentiment. The per- 
formance concludes with a burlesque or extravaganza, 
in which the whole company appears in Amazon marches 
and dances, culminating in a grand chorus, with calcium- 
light effect and the curtain. Now, in all of this there 
may have been nothing which could be specifically desig- 
nated as thoroughly bad, but the whole performance has 
been upon a low level. The enjoyment, if such it may 
be called, has been of a sad and dull kind. There has 
been no relief from the ordinary, the lower preoccupa- 
tion of the mind. 

But even here the limit has not been reached, for 
where the civic conscience or police regulation does not 
prohibit, some of these variety theatres are constant 
offenders against ordinary decency. They will go just 
as far as the law allows, and need watching all the time 
that they go no further. Songs and dialogues and 
pantomimes are full of the vilest innuendo, and that of 



172 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

a dead and nasty kind. There is no attempt at wit. 
When women performers share with the men in offer- 
ing this kind of entertainment, the effect is unspeak- 
ably disgusting. The spectators, as a rule, maintain 
a sullen silence, only now and then interrupted by a 
hoarse laugh. On the whole a bar-room would offer a 
welcome escape from such performances as these, which 
are not by any means uncommon. In some theatres 
they are the rule. The sad thing about all this is that 
the number of variety theatres is on the increase, and 
because of their low prices thousands of the wage- 
earnei's of our cities who most need decent and helpful 
recreation attend places where they cannot find much 
that is good and are pretty sure to get a good deal that 
is bad. 

Another cause for discouragement when one is con- 
sidering the theatre as an amusement centre for the 
wage-earner is the gradual decline of the melodrama. 
The melodrama may have its inherent defects as a dra- 
matic composition, but its total effect upon its hearers 
is, on the whole, above criticism. It bears the Aristo- 
telian test of purging the passions. It sets things 
morally in their right relations. Evil is never so black, 
good never so alluring, as in the melodrama. The fact 
that the plays are sensational amounts to nothing. It 
is a sensation that those want and need who come 
there. True the sensation might be a better one, but 
still it is on the whole a good one, and often the play 
presents a very decided and unusual ethical lesson. 
Take, for example, the celebrated Irish play of " Kerry 
Gow." All the characters of the stereotyped Irish play 
are present, — the poor blacksmith lover, the sweet-faced 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 173 

heroine, the villain who forecloses the mortgage upon 
the farm of the heroine's father, the even lower villain 
who hides weaj)ons in the blacksmith's forge, so that the 
hero may be arrested upon a charge which, if proved, 
means death. Other plays are the " Knobs of Tennes- 
see," " Arizona," " Human Hearts," " Piney Ridge." 
The time was when the theatre presenting such plays was 
the people's theatre. It would be crowded nightly with 
men and boys as well as women^ who were as ready to 
hiss the villain and applaud the hero as if they had not 
done so a hundred times before. Unhappily that day 
seems to be passing, if indeed it is not already gone. 
Theatre proprietors say that the people do not want 
such plays any longer. Probably the influence of the 
higher grade theatres has made itself felt for the worse. 
Possibly it is simply a temporary fluctuation in the 
theatre market. At any rate, the melodrama does not 
occupy, for whatever reason, the place it did a few 
years ago, and the change has been decidedly for the 
worse. In Boston, the Grand Dime, which for years 
offered melodrama, has introduced vaudeville numbers. 
In New York, the Star Theatre is the only one that 
still clings to melodrama, and there the prices are 
twenty-five and fifty cents. In Buffalo, the Lyceum 
Theatre keeps a list of standard plays running, but it 
is the only one of its kind in the city. In Chicago, the 
Bijou advertises widely, draws large houses, and offers, 
as a rule, good plays. The Academy of Music is on a 
lower plane. In San Francisco, the tendency away 
from melodrama is seen in the chano;e that has over- 
taken Morosco's Grand Opera House. For four years 
it was the favorite and crowded resort of the workins: 



174 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

people. Melodrama, without a break, held the stage, 
and the Opera House, which is the largest in the city, 
was of more importance than all the theatres in the city 
are now. At the recent change to grand and comic 
opera — a point in itself worth noticing — the old 
" Morosco audience," which had wept and hissed and 
laughed at melodrama so long, drifted away, and now 
most of them are probably breathing tobacco smoke at 
the Orpheum.^ Denver, Minneapolis, Cleveland, At- 
lanta, all report at least one theatre where melodrama 
still thrives ; and wherever it lives and holds true to its 
purpose, it is doing more to furnish good amusement 
for the joeople than all the rest of the theatres in the 
city combined. 

No more interesting experiment has been made of 
late years in the theatrical world than that of offering 
the standard operas at popular prices. The idea origi- 
nated at the Castle Square Theatre in Boston, proved 
an immediate success, continued for two years, and was 
the beginning of similar experiments in Chicago and 
New York, Both the orchestra and the singers, a stock 
company of about fifty members, were good. The 
operas were selected from among the French and even 
German classics. Nothing more desirable could be 
imagined than that twenty-five cents should admit one to 
a performance of the " Bohemian Girl," " Faust," " Fra 
Diavolo," or " The Huguenots." Such was the original 
intention of the projector of the enterprise, whose sole 
object was not financial profit. Still from a pecuniary 
point of view the experiment has proved successful. 
Chicago and New York both report crowded houses and 

^ From the San Francisco report. 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 175 

much appreciation upon the part of the general public. 
But it must be admitted that the musical education of 
the people has not as yet proceeded far enough to make 
even excellent music of this type alluring to the work- 
ingman. It has seemed to appeal to those who have 
already some musical taste, not to those who most need 
it. The audiences, as a rule, are composed of a class 
better than one would expect to find at performances 
charging so little. Having come then upon an excel- 
lent thing, we find that our constituency has slipped 
away. The rate of admission, character of the enter- 
tainment, the fine exterior and appointments, and the 
higher class of patronage all have something to do 
with the absence of the working people. This is true 
even of the Tivoli Opera House of San Francisco, 
which presents good grand and comic operas and per- 
mits smoking and drinking between acts. Evidently 
good music as yet has not succeeded in solving our 
problem. 

The problem, that is to say, has not been solved, and 
the theatre to-day is an educational or helpful centre 
of amusement for only the merest fraction of the wage- 
earners of our great cities. The question arises, How can 
a theatre be made in a true sense the people's theatre, 
a theatre, that is, " where the different elements whose 
union constitutes society can all attend, and in the re- 
presentations of which they can all be equally inter- 
ested ? " Not so long, this much is certain, as it is con- 
trolled by syndicates or by private capital which has an 
eye solely to profits. If the interests which at present 
control the theatres of the country cannot take a 
broader view of their opportunity, then the work must 



176 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

be taken up either as a philanthropic or as a municipal 
enterprise. The project of a *' model theatre " has been 
often exploited on paper, occasionally attempted with 
melancholy results, and always declared to be a thor- 
oughly hopeless proposal. It is interesting to note, how- 
ever, that in France we have the beginnings of a real 
people's theatre. It is possible that this recent ex- 
periment may have far-reaching results. It is thus 
described by Mr. A. F. Sanborn : ^ — 

In September, 1892, on the occasion of the centenary 
of the republic, a free, open-air, popular representation 
of Moliere's " Medecin Malgre Lui " was given at 
Bussang, a village in the east of France, very near the 
Alsatian frontier, by M. Maurice Pottecher, a native 
of Bussang, and a number of his friends. The per- 
formance was so much appreciated that M. Pottecher, 
who had long been dreaming of a theatre of the peo- 
ple, set vigorously to work to make his dream come 
true. Three years later the Theatre du Peuple of 
Bussang was inaugurated by the performance of a 
play from M. Pottecher's jjen, entitled " Le Diable 
Marchand de Goutte," — which may be translated, 
" The Devil, Dramseller," — depicting the horrid con- 
trol of alcohol on the one hand and the power to over- 
ride this control, on the other. " The theatre was 
simple. A huge scaffolding of wood decorated with 
greenery served as stage, and two enormous sliding 
panels as curtain ; the turf of a meadow as stage 
floor, a sun-illumined mountain as background, and 
rows of planks nailed to stakes as seats for a part of 
the spectators, the rest standing behind the benches 
1 New York Weekly Post, Wednesday, July 11, 1900. 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 177 

in a grassy field. The cast consisted of a score or more 
of persons, among them a clerk, some college stu- 
dents, a professor, a manufacturer, a gardener, and a 
councilor - general. There was no painted scenery. 
Admission was free, the expenses being defrayed by 
a rich individual. The audience numbered nearly two 
thousand. Thus dedicated, the theatre has continued 
to prosper." 

The gratuitous performances are invariably given on 
Sundays or fete days, when the working people are at 
leisure. The patrons of the performances to which 
admission is charged feel themselves collaborators in 
the enterprise. The performers all serve without pay, 
and all belong to the region, either by birth or adop- 
tion. They continue to represent different social 
grades and many trades and professions, it being a 
pet theory of M. Pottecher, as it was a pet theory of 
Michelet, that the mingling of classes on the stage is 
as essential to a real popular theatre as the mingling 
of classes in the audience. They are encouraged to 
act naturally, to render, in the main, their own concep- 
tions of their parts in their own ways. 

Here, then, is a practical experiment, the success of 
which has already been tested. There seems to be no 
good reason why similar experiments should not be 
attempted in our American towns and cities. Let 
there be a real school for dramatic art similar to Mr. 
Frank Damrosch's classes for the musical education 
of the people in New York. The instruction should be 
free, being provided for either by private philanthropy 
or by the municipality. Then let playwrights be in- 
vited to submit dramas, upon the lines laid down by 



178 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

M. Pottecher, for production, the selection to be made 
by a board of eminent dramatic critics. For represen- 
tation any theatre centrally located could be chosen 
until the experiment had proceeded far enough to 
warrant the erection of a building to be devoted solely 
to this purpose. Thus a real people's theatre would be 
inaugurated and the experiment is certainly well worth 
the trying. The simplicity of the theatre, the senti- 
ment of democracy which would pervade the perform- 
ance, the fact that the actors would come from the 
people themselves, that the play would turn upon some 
event of national or local interest, that admission would 
be gratuitous for those who could not afford to pay, 
would all contribute to the success of the plan. The 
elements for a successful solution of the problem are 
then at hand. When one considers the present condition 
of our theatres and the crying needs of the people for 
recreation of a true sort, it seems as if it could not be 
long before some real attempt be made in our country 
towards the establishment of a people's theatre. 

An interesting illustration of the possibility of 
popular entertainments under municipal contract is 
furnished by the Peoples' Concerts given in Boston 
under Mayor Quincy's administration. A music com- 
mission was appointed, and to the original plan was 
added the sriving of free chamber concerts in different 
sections of the city, for which purpose citizens offered 
their halls free of charge. The public concerts at 
Music Hall were a great success. The programmes 
consisted of orchestral numbers and solos. The or- 
chestra was known as the Municipal Band, placed 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 179 

upon a permanent organization, having thirty-eight 
members. These received four dollars for each per- 
formance and the leader, ten dollars. On one even- 
ing the following numbers were executed : Weber's 
overture, " Oberon," Haydn's " Surprise Symphony," 
Delibes's " Sylvia " dances, Wagner's " Rienzi " over- 
ture, Gillet's " Bonheur Perdu," and Brahms's Hun- 
garian dances. In conjunction with a large chorus, 
directed by John A. O'Shea, one of the music com- 
mission, three selections were given from Gounod's 
"Redemption." The music commission showed con- 
siderable judgment in securing for the solo performers 
local amateur talent, which stimulated appreciably the 
interest. Tickets were distributed by the commission 
without cost through the different benevolent agencies 
to those who wanted them, but felt unable to pay 
the admission price. The regular admission charge 
was ten cents, which proved sufficient to pay all the 
costs of the entertainments. Public schools were util- 
ized as distributive centres, in order to reach all who 
cared to attend. Sunday evening was chosen as the 
time for the concerts. There was, of course, some 
difference of opinion as to the wisdom of the choice. 
It spared the concerts from coming into competition 
with the theatres and other week-day amusements, 
but it brought them into conflict not only with the 
churches but with the home gatherings which are of 
usual occurrence on Sunday evenings in many families. 
This question will need to be determined by local con- 
ditions. 

Boston has also taken the lead among our American 
cities in making another most important provision for 



180 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the indoor amusement of the people. There are at 
jjreseut at least four municipal gymnasiums in the 
city, and others have been projected. There is no city 
without its gymnasium, but almost invariably it is the 
property or under the control of an organization or 
society, so that directly or indirectly it is not available 
for many who care to use it. The Turn Verein, the 
Young Men's Christian Association, a few churches 
and clubs have gymnasiums, but their use is confined 
to a very limited constituency. Consequently thousands 
of men and boys are without athletic exercise and 
recreation which they earnestly desire. 

Some years ago the East Boston Athletic Association 
was started by a wealthy woman living on the Back Bay. 
An old skating-rink was bought and made over into a 
modern gymnasium. In addition there were bicycle, 
reading and loafing rooms with a " bar," where soft 
drinks were for sale. A paid superintendent had 
charge of the building and of the athletic classes. The 
association had a prosperous career, and ojffered the 
best kind of recreation, summer and winter alike, to 
from four to five hundred members. The fee was five 
dollars a year for full membership, and the place 
became a favorite resort for clerks, mechanics, and 
others who could afford to pay the annual dues. Such 
financial assistance as it received from its founder was 
kept sufficiently in the background to relieve it of 
the stigma of being a charitable institution. The rules 
prohibited liquor drinking in any form, vulgar and 
profane language, and the use of tobacco within the 
building. The association was an unqualified success. 
This experiment can be repeated at any time by the out- 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 181 

lay of the necessary money to secure a building and 
the services of a competent superintendent. But in 
1897 a change was made. The building was presented 
to the city and thrown open to the general public. It 
was Boston's first Municipal Gymnasium. Changes 
were made, new apparatus was added. " The main 
hall is one hundred feet long and eighty wide, and is 
well supplied with gymnastic apparatus. One corner 
may be shut off by movable partitions for hand-ball. 
A running-track with twenty laps to the mile is marked 
off on the floor, and across one end of the room is a 
gallery for spectators. In the bathing department, 
there are eleven sprays with the necessary dressing 
quarters and lockers. Two days a week the entire 
building is reserved for the exclusive use of women 
and girls." ^ Thus the gymnasium is doing the largest 
possible service. The first year that it was under the 
management of the city its gross attendance during ten 
months was 65,000, or four times the number that had 
visited it while it was under private control. As for 
the good effect of this institution upon the neighbor- 
hood, we have the statement of the jjolice of East 
Boston, who say that since the opening of the gymna- 
sium, there has been a marked diminution of lawless- 
ness. The local school principal gives emphatic 
testimony as to its influence u^Don children, and the 
disappearance of a number of low-toned social clubs 
suggests its importance as a rendezvous for young 
men. 

In South Boston is another gymnasium even larger 
and more complete than the one in East Boston. " The 

^ From the Boston report. 



182 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

South Boston gymnasium and bath was erected by the 
city a year ago. The structure is of wood, seventy- 
five by one hundred feet, in the English Gothic style 
of architecture. An elevated running-track extends 
around the interior. All the gymnastic apparatus is so 
arranged that it can easily be drawn up or pushed 
aside, leaving the floor entirely free from obstruction. 
There are twelve hundred lockers and eighteen sjDray 
baths. A swimming-tank under a separate roof is a 
part of the original plan." This gymnasium is lo- 
cated in a most needy section. Five years ago, South 
Boston had practically no saloon substitutes. To-day 
the gymnasium and the baths offer, winter and summer, 
most wholesome and popular centres of recreation. 

Two more gymnasiums with baths are owned by the 
city and are fully equipped. One of these presents a 
most Christian spectacle. Until very recently, it was 
a Protestant chapel. Its constituency moved away and 
its windows became a convenient target for Catholic 
and Hebrew children. Then the building was sold to 
the city, which took the pews out and put up chest 
weights in their place. When the doors were opened 
recently to admit visitors, the boys crowded eagerly in, 
and dumb-bells, clubs, and flying rings were soon in 
active service. If our deserted downtown churches and 
chapels could be turned to such uses, there would be 
less reason to lament their abandonment for religious 
ends. 

Such, then, are Boston's municipal gymnasiums. 
The remarkable thing is that they are about the only 
ones of their kind in the country. Inquiry has failed 
to reveal anything similar in any of the cities selected 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 183 

for this investigation, and yet the expense is compara- 
tively small and the benefits immeasurably great. A 
substantial and roomy gymnasium can be erected and 
equipped for $20,000, and the running expenses are 
very light. The benefits of such popular institutions 
are beyond exact computation. Aside from what they 
are doing to promote public health, they are a powerful 
aid to sobriety, and even to total abstinence. A yoimg 
man " in training " will cheerfully deny himself his 
glass of beer. The economic gain in industrial capacity 
has been estimated mathematically by competent inves- 
tigators.i Sir Edwin Chad wick declared it to be 
" established that for all ordinary civil labor four 
partially trained or drilled men are as efficient as five 
who are undrilled. In other words, considering the 
child as an investment, for a trifling expense . . . the 
productive power of that investment may, by physical 
training, be augmented by one fifth for the whole period 
of working ability." Whatever truth there may be in 
this computation, there can be no denial of the social, 
moral, and economic gain in the vicinity where these 
gymnasiums are located. It may be said, in passing, 
that no opposition to the establishment of such enter- 
prises by the city need be feared from the liquor men. 
So long as their traffic is not interfered with they are 
very friendly. An alderman, himself the proprietor of 
two popular saloons, was largely instrumental in secur- 
ing the gymnasium in South Boston, and is still its 
stanch supporter. 

In closing this chapter, one other method of enter- 
taining the people during the winter months may be 
^ The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, p. 404. 



184 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

mentioned, although it Is not evident that the plan could 
be transjDorted from Its native soil to our American 
cities. Every one knows of the East London Peo- 
ple's Palace or Social Institute, in which varied forms 
of amusement and healthful recreation are provided. 
It is a combination of art gallery, concert hall, mu- 
seum, and social club, in which all sorts and condi- 
tions of men can spend their spare time with interest 
and profit. This plan has spread to the Provinces and 
to Scotland, where some of the most interesting exam- 
ples of them are to be found. The People's Palace of 
Glasgow, for example,^ is maintained by the city for the 
benefit of the working people. " The general idea is ^ 
that the permanent collections to be formed should 
relate to the history and industries of the city, and 
that some space should be set ajjart for special sectional 
exhibitions to be held from time to time. . . . One 
element of originality in the way of municipal enter- 
prise that can be claimed for this institution lies in 
the combination practically under one roof of a mu- 
seum, picture gallery, winter garden, and concert hall." 
In a statement furnished the authors of the volume 
from which the quotation is taken, made in December, 
1898, the curator of the Palace said that the success of 
the institution had been very remarkable. In the even- 
ings especially the building became so crowded that 
the entrance door had to be closed for intervals. In 
ten months, more than 750,000 people visited the Pal- 
ace. He attributes its extraordinary success to its 
proximity to some of the crowded parts of the city, 

1 The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, p. 395. 

2 Glasgow Herald, January 24, 1898. 



INDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 185 

to the attractiveness of the building itself and the 
grounds surrounding it, and to the fact that art and 
historical collections do appeal to the interest and the 
imagination of the people. 

The suggestion contained in this experiment, of 
which use might be made in our American cities, is 
the free use, for purposes of popular education and 
amusement, of art galleries and historical and antiqua- 
rian museums. The art galleries have begun already 
to loan their pictures for popular exhibitions, but no 
one can have passed through any of our fine museums, 
as, for example, the rooms of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, without regretting that more of the 
laboring people do not have the opportunity or inclina- 
tion to see these historical relics relating to the history 
of our country and of this Commonwealth. To carry 
out this plan, it would be necessary to have a commo- 
dious building or hall, where accommodation could be 
provided for periodical loan exhibitions of art, antiqui- 
ties, industries, and inventions. To make this attractive, 
a stereopticon lecture or a free concert could be added, 
the hall to be thrown open each night during the 
winter, with constant changes of exhibit. In Glasgow, 
at least, the experiment has been successful, and social 
settlements in our own country have demonstrated on 
a small scale the feasibility and benefits of the plan. 

Our inquiry into the possible indoor amusements for 
the working people during the winter months brings us 
back, with an added sense of disappointment, to actual 
conditions. The saloon, the dance hall, and the cheap 
theatre are to-day their chief centres of amusement. 



186 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

The first is pernicious ; the other two, as they exist, are 
at least questionable in their influence. Of reading- 
rooms there are only a few ; of gymnasiums, the num- 
ber is still less. What wonder if, during the months 
when the streets and the parks are not habitable, the 
saloons are crowded with hosts of men and boys, for 
where else shall they go for amusement ? 



CHAPTER VIIL 

OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 

For the boy or man wlio lives in the country, the 
problem of outdoor amusements practically solves itself. 
In the city it is different. However, what men think 
a town ought to be, it will be, and they can crowd the 
people into unwholesome slums, or open up parks and 
playgrounds, and make it a city of homes, not alone 
for the wealthy few, but for the masses whose need of 
comfort and recreation we have discussed. The diffi- 
culty of furnishing outdoor amusement for the people 
of a large city is understood when, for instance, we 
remember that the roofs of Greater New York are said 
to furnish more space than the city streets and court- 
yards. The height of the buildings suggests how many 
come from under one roof. The question with which 
we are now concerned is. Where are these thousands 
of people to find outdoor recreation and a " cooling-off 
place " outside of the beer gardens and saloons ? 

The sights and sounds of the streets constitute an 
important part of the recreative resources of many 
crowded districts. Their hold upon the people is shown, 
not only by the sense of desolation which tenement 
children feel when they go to the country, but by the 
hesitancy of their elders to remove to the suburbs. 
The patrol wagon, the fire engine, the ambulance, the 
general passing show, and even the rows of shops en- 



188 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

liven the monotony of an existence in which wholesome 
amusement is sadly lacking. The streets are the prome- 
nade of the teeming thousands of pedestrians who, on 
Sunday, at least, have time for a walk, and they are 
the rendezvous of teams and push-cart venders. 

The streets are the playground of the childi'en of the 
city's poor. Where else can they spin their tops and 
play marbles? Baseball is played in season and out 
of season, and until late at night, boy sentinels being 
placed at the corners to give warning of the policeman's 
approach. Froebel said, " It is through his play that 
a child first begins to perceive moral relations." The 
playtime of a child's life should not be tolerated by 
those older than himself, but made the most of. The 
street is a poor means to accomplish this. Knowing 
that he is a public nuisance, the boy is constantly on 
the lookout for the " cop," and as constantly planning 
to get the better of him. The treatment he receives 
from the passing throng only serves to make him ugly 
and suspicious. Another habit of mind altogether 
dangerous to his proper development is his continual 
change of purpose. Seldom can a project be carried 
out, and the boy grows restless and inefficient. Not 
only the individual, but the " gang " suffers for lack of 
a healthful meeting-place. The spirit of loyalty in the 
" gang" should be encouraged, not trained by an oppos- 
ing force to deceit and viciousness. 

Numerous suggestions as to the best plan of pro- 
viding playgrounds have been made. The late Colonel 
Waring, Street Cleaning Commissioner of New York 
City, proposed a combination of push-cart market and 
children's playgrounds, where business could thrive in 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 189 

the morning, and fun in the afternoon. According to 
this plan, the city is to own the markets, whose rents, 
Colonel Waring claimed, would soon yield interest 
on and eventually the return of the capital invested. 
There is no argument which appeals to the average 
tax-payer and city comptroller with such force as the 
argument that " it pays." The opening of the school 
yards in many cities during the summer months is an 
advance well worth noticing. The Massachusetts Emer- 
gency and Hygiene Association has under its super- 
vision in Boston many sand gardens, which are located 
in empty school yards. It is the plan to give the 
children not only a place to play, but trained directors 
of their play. Regulated play is both recreative and 
educational, and while children are getting the benefits 
of exercise, they are gaining the principles of order, 
decency, and fair play. In the summer of 1898, 
eighteen hundred children were thus provided for at 
an expense of one dollar each. One suggestion the 
association makes is to open the yards only when there 
is shade, as otherwise the children do not come, and 
this arrangement provides teachers for more of them. 

There are many reasons for working with the chil- 
dren. They are willing to pass their knowledge on. 
They may be influenced in many cases when it seems 
almost impossible to change the formed chai-acter of 
those who have matured in an atmosphere of squalor 
and vice. Again, while some Americans object to 
expenditures for the well-being of the adult population 
on the ground that it is socialistic, they are ready to 
listen to an appeal for children. It is a happy thing 
for the children of New York that the Educational 



190 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Alliance, the Park Board, the Outdoor Recreation 
League, and the School Board have met on common 
ground. The fact that they have all worked success- 
fully is the best possible evidence of the rapidity with 
which the spirit of liberty and progress is spreading. 
In New York, the law forbids a public school being 
erected henceforth without an open-air playground. 
Those already built should be compelled to use the 
roofs. AVith such provision there will be less truancy, 
less lawlessness. 

New sites have been secured for playgrounds in the 
crowded parts of New York, but the rubbish heaps are 
too often left, and the transformation from tenements 
is slow. The playground at Seward Park is so much 
appreciated in the neighborhood, that the people of 
Hester Street rose in revolt when they learned that 
the Park Board had submitted a plan for the improve- 
ment of the park in which no provision was made for a 
playground. The Outdoor Recreation League has been 
most effective in impressing the Park Department with 
the importance of retaining the playground in the final 
scheme of improvement. The playgrounds should be 
free to parents and grandparents, as well as to the boys 
and girls. One morning a white-haired man looked 
on wistfully at Dearborn Yard, and said : " It does 
my old heart good to see the children. I wish there 
was a playground for old men." There would be if 
the number of small parks in the crowded districts of 
the cities were in any way adequate to the needs of the 
people. 

The Massachusetts Civic League has made an ex- 
haustive study of the playgrounds of Boston and its 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 191 

vicinity, and its printed report contains many valuable 
suggestions. An examination of police reports Las 
shown that the effect of the establishment of play- 
grounds is diminution of juvenile crime. The neces- 
sity for instruction in games has been demonstrated, 
and it has been proved that older men are glad to 
make use of a well-ordered playground.^ 

Reluctance to exercise domain as against the inertia 
of tenants, interests of landholders, profits of politi- 
cally influenced saloon-keepers, together with the ex- 
pense of bujdng property, have prevented a proper 
increase of parks in the crowded sections of some of 
our cities. Private philanthropy would arrange to 
guard these places were it backed by law. The re- 
demption of Mulberry Bend by Jacob A. Riis was the 
beginning and remains the ideal of the effort to pro- 
vide small parks in crowded districts. " From almost 
every point of view, adequate park system appears to 
be a city's gain. It creates an attraction for all classes. 
It adds to the beauty of a city, influences those who 
have acquired wealth to remain, and draws others to 
it. It cultivates public taste. It promotes health. It 
furnishes fresher air. Its trees absorb the poisonous 
gases and purify the atmosphere. It extends the 
opportunity for rational enjoyment, particularly for 
the children of the poor. The exuberance of youth 
will find a vent, innocent, if circumstances favor, 
harmful if they do not. Nor must the value of open 
spaces as a quieting, reformative power in the case of 
adults be lost sight of. It is recognized that whatever 

^ See report of Mr. Joseph Lee, Boston, Secretary of the Massachu- 
setts Civic League. 



192 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

furnishes innocent recreation and amusement exerts 
a potent influence in checking crime, and the public 
square and playground must be given prominent place 
among the agencies favorably affecting the moral con- 
dition of society. Add to these considerations the 
unusually permanent value of this form of investment, 
the comparatively little management it requires, its 
freedom from all pauperizing or otherwise objection- 
able influences, and you have assuredly a form of 
philanthropic enterprise deserving the earnest and 
undivided efforts of an association with no other pur- 
pose, and the cordial support of every public-spirited 
citizen." The value of these small parks as direct 
substitutes for the saloon is evident when we consider 
what they might offer to the public : a meeting-place 
for the men of the neighborhood, seats to rest on, ice- 
water fountains to drink from, free band concerts and 
other entertainments now and then, a spot with the 
social intercourse which the saloon offers and the cool- 
ness in search of which a man often leaves his home. 

Many of our larger parks are open to the rich and 
poor alike, and do they not go far to satisfy the needs 
of the people and to act as substitutes for the saloon ? 
They no doubt do, or ought to do, more in this direc- 
tion than any other one thing. An example of muni- 
cipal parks frequented by the people is Golden Gate 
Park of San Francisco. Golden Gate Park, which is 
noted the world over for its natural scenery, with its 
own wooded acres, the great stretches of wild land and 
the long beach beyond, is situated three miles from the 
centre of the city. A five-cent fare and a half hour's 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 193 

time takes one from the noise and distraction of the one 
to the refreshing rest of the other. The beautiful sur- 
roundings, the luxurious growth of flowers, and the 
sea breeze combine to make the place by its very 
nature a great resort. That this park is appreciated 
is evident, for the average weekly attendance is fifty 
thousand ; on Sunday, the one day of the week when 
workingmen have both money and leisure, it is from 
twenty-five thousand to thirty-five thousand, and the 
park's value as a saloon substitute is more manifest 
when we learn that it is the only place of amusement 
in San Francisco which is over one hundred yards 
from a saloon, and that the saloons are open on Sun- 
day. There are many attractions besides the groves, 
flowers, and scenery. Music, a museum, a conserva- 
tory, an aviary, zoological garden, recreation grounds, 
speed tracks, drives, and walks hel]) to draw the peo- 
ple. On Sunday afternoon from two to four, a band 
of fifty pieces gives a free concert to an audience of 
ten thousand scattered over the grounds or seated in 
the large auditorium. In the musevim, there are some- 
times as many as three thousand people. There is the 
greatest freedom allowed in the park, and there are 
no " Keep oif the Grass " signs. Notwithstanding 
the freedom, the police report very little disorder and 
almost no drunkenness. On a fair Sunday there are 
more working people at Golden Gate Park than there 
are at all the clubs, reading-rooms, and benevolent in- 
stitutions of the city in one week. This great gather- 
ing of people in the open air is in striking contrast 
with the city, with its streets of saloons open day and 
night the year round, with its dreary houses, and with 



194 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

tlie constant smell and suggestion of beer. The chief 
reason for the success of Golden Gate Park of San 
Francisco lies in the fact that it is accessible, and that 
five cents covers the cost of reaching and entering it. 
Few busy day laborers, and that is what most men are, 
have time to go to the parks and resorts which are far 
from their homes and work-rooms. 

The magnificent parks of Minneapolis and St. Paul 
are distant from the heart of either city. The music 
provided by the city is given in them. White Bear 
and Minnetonka lakes, which are resorts for many 
business and professional men, are beyond the reach 
of by far the larger part of the population. The fare 
from St. Paul to White Bear Lake is twenty-five 
cents ; from Minneapolis to Minnetonka, fifty cents 
for the round trip. These figures are reasonable, but 
practically prohibitive to the man who earns even two 
dollars a day. It is true in this, as in other things, 
that men must have leisure to enjoy the outdoor life 
and the pleasures that come with it. Left in the city, 
the workingman, if he be without other resources, is 
thrown on the saloon for the satisfaction of the social 
instinct. 

Belle Isle Park of Detroit is a park that all enjoy. 
The beautiful island can be reached from almost every 
part of the city for a fare of three cents, and all of the 
attractions of the park are fi^ee to every one. The pic- 
nic grounds, woods, and bathing-houses are open to 
rich and poor alike, and make it truly the people's park. 
Beer is sold, but its sale is so restricted as to make in- 
toxication practically impossible. On a pleasant con- 
cert evening, it is hard to count the jjeople who crowd 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 195 

about the music pavilion. On a holiday in winter, 
thousands of men, women, and children use the ice on 
the well-kept artificial lakes. Here is the man who 
to-morrow will be in his place at the factory, and one 
day of healthful bodily exercise and the vigor gained 
from a few hours spent in the open air will do much 
both for him and for his work. 

Many other municipal parks could be mentioned as 
going far to solve the outdoor problem. Druid Hill 
Park of Baltimore is one which people from all parts 
of the city frequent. The parks of Denver are pecul- 
iarly important, since outside the town limits there 
begins the brown, sun-baked, treeless prairie. At City 
Park the right to let boats, and the commission to sell 
light drinks and delicacies in the two pavilions is sold 
every year to the highest bidder ; still there is much 
that is free. As many as a hundred and fifty free con- 
certs have been given there in a summer. The major- 
ity of those who frequent the park in the evening or 
on Sunday are of the poorer people, and it must be of 
untold value to them, for not only are they offered a 
cool and delightful place in which to spend their time, 
but amusement impossible to find elsewhere, except 
at considerable expense. In trying to compete with 
attractions such as parks furnish, the saloons are at a 
disadvantage, and the number of toughs and idlers, 
chronic saloon attendants, who frequent the parks, tes- 
tify to what an extent their patronage must suffer in con- 
sequence. It may be argued that since the saloons are 
closed on Sunday, none of the Sunday patronage of the 
parks can be said to detract from the attendance on the 
saloons. But although there is a Sunday closing ordi- 



196 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

nance in Denver, it is not rigorously enforced, and tlie 
city is often " wide open." The man with a thirst or 
the man in search of saloon sociability does not have 
much trouble usually in finding a hospitable back door. 
The pride of Memphis is a park of three acres in the 
very centre of the city. Central Park in New York 
offers rest and shade to thousands of people daily, and 
is well located to accomplish much for the city's mil- 
lions. 

Chicago has a system of parks of which it may 
justly be proud, but from the point of view of resorts 
for the laboring people, Chicago has no parks. The 
parks are so distant from the homes of the masses as 
to be practically inaccessible. The park system is de- 
signed for the rich, while it taxes the poor, and reminds 
one that " to him that hath shall be given." 

Just how much a system of parks that would include 
small parks located in the congested and wretched dis- 
tricts of the city would counteract the saloon is not to 
be reduced to mathematical calculation, but it is a need 
that every city should supply. It is probable that in 
any city small parks that are in the midst of the peo- 
ple will be a greater benefit than the elaborate and 
extensive parks so remote that they can be seldom vis- 
ited. They will furnish breathing-spots, promenades, 
and resting-places for adults, and playgrounds for 
young men and children. The necessity for open space 
within the crowded districts is becoming more and 
more impressed upon the public, and in many cities 
measures have been taken to secure them. It is a wise 
precaution to get possession of ground in the suburbs 
before the city grows out. Too often the open space 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 197 

is merely a grass-grown triangle with a few benches, 
but even this is a welcome spot to the tired parent or 
child whose only other chance for fresh air is the street, 
the roof, or a seat on the fire escape of his tenement. 

Besides the municipal parks, there are private parks 
and resorts. Of course all resorts where the saloon 
itself flourishes, and where there are other institutions 
worse than the saloon, can in no wise be classed as 
saloon substitutes. The nature of the place must de- 
pend upon the nature of the individual or individuals 
who control it. The roof gardens and beer gardens are 
often less demoralizing in their effect than the saloon 
proper. There is much to attract and give pleasure 
that neither stimulates a taste for drink nor is in other 
ways degrading. To be sure, it is the business of the 
keeper to sell beer, and if this be his sole object, these 
resorts are to be classed with the amusement saloons. 
Again, a company may establish a resort and be utterly 
indifferent to the surroundings, rather encouraging 
saloons to settle near by, there being an understanding 
that the one will send patrons to the other. 

On the other hand, many private resorts, however 
simple, may be of real practical use ; for example, the 
summer out of door theatre whose platform offers some 
scarcely elevating yet decent farce. A refreshment 
booth is put up ; swings and popcorn stands with " Sar- 
atoga chips " for sale make their appearance, and soon 
there is a resort which is attracting hundreds of people, 
and from which the car lines reap rich harvests. 

Willow Grove Park in Philadelphia represents a 
type of suburban resort maintained as feeders for trolley 
lines where the saloon is entirely absent. The increase 



198 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

in the number of such resorts inaugurated and main- 
tained for commercial reasons only can be looked upon 
as an encouraging sign with reference to the problem 
of furnishins: summer recreation for the masses of the 
population unattended with the generally disagreeable 
and almost inevitable feature of the saloon. They are 
the result of a commercial recognition of the value of 
an appeal to the aesthetic sense and the elimination of 
drinking in mixed crowds of pleasure seekers. The 
ethical sense of the community is not appealed to. 
What the trolley car company would say if questioned 
is : " We offer you a pai'k where there will be no saloons, 
because saloons in public places, like parks, lead to dis- 
agreeable incidents, and disagreeable incidents multi- 
plied mean eventually the imparting of a semi-disrep- 
utable air to a place." The road from the centre of 
Philadelphia to Willow Grove Park runs through pretty 
rolling country, and the park itself has many natural 
and artificial attractions. There are groves with benches 
and fountains, many forms of entertainment and free 
concerts. Because of the fare, thirty cents, the park is 
unavailable to the poorest people, but it reaches many 
young men who have money to spend, and it offers them 
many ways of spending it, which, if the ways are good, 
is a benefit. Real estate companies often establish such 
resorts. Private philanthropy could ask no broader 
outlet than the establishment of parks of this kind, 
making them free to the iDeojDle and accessible as well. 
L. P. Grant did well for the citizens of Atlanta by his 
gift of one hundred and fifty acres for a park, the only 
condition being that it should be open to blacks and 
whites alike. 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 199 

There is almost no limit to the forms of entertain- 
ment which could be offered, for a pleasure-seeking 
people is not hard to please. Picnic grounds, springs, 
and benches are essential. Chutes, scenic railways 
and bicycle tracks, bowling-alleys, baseball, band con- 
certs, rustic theatres, dancing-halls, under careful 
management and control, furnish luxuries which the 
people may enjoy. They will have an influence for 
good, too, by demonstrating that more pleasure may be 
gotten from a given source when that source is not 
abused. An excellent example of what such a place 
can be is afforded by Norumbega Park, which is 
owned by the Commonwealth Avenue Railroad of Bos- 
ton. A large amount of capital has been spent to 
make the place attractive, and it has been proven that 
electric car service at a reasonable fare, combined with 
good bicycle roads and an attractive objective point, 
will draw the crowd. The daily average attendance 
is four thousand, reaching fifteen thousand on Sun- 
day. Ten cents is the cost of admission, but the 
cost of transportation is only five. Not only is it im- 
possible for a man to get drink either at or near the 
park, but he must be free from the influence or sugges- 
tion of liquor to get into it; and admission to it is 
worth something ; namely, a clean evening's enjoy- 
ment. 

Contrast this with a park seven miles out of Cin- 
cinnati which is owned by the Cincinnati Street Rail- 
way, or another ten miles up the river owned by the 
Steamship Company. These parks in themselves are 
beautiful, the admission to them is free, and thousands 
of people frequent them, but the free sale of beer and 



200 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the lack of discipline prevent their being classed as 
substitutes for the saloon. The free sale of beer at 
these and like resorts lessens the j)atronage of the ice 
cream pavilions and light drink stands, and in many 
cases leads to a misuse of the otherwise harmless at- 
tractions of the place. Men and women drink together, 
and the park that should furnish a healthful place for 
rest and enjoyment too often becomes, for the sake of 
the private gains of the owners, a spot with pernicious 
and unwholesome influences. 

Most cities have adjacent picnic grounds and subur- 
ban resorts, and excvirsions and picnics are a great 
resource as a means of outdoor amusement for the peo- 
ple, but too often these places are left in the hands of 
persons who destroy their usefulness. The municipal- 
ity should take this matter in hand and see to it that 
the park commission owns or controls the resorts of the 
city's people. A striking comparison existed between 
Revere Beach, north of Boston, which some time ago 
became a public reservation under the charge of the 
Metropolitan Park Commission, and Nantasket Beach, 
on the south side of Boston, which until recently was 
under private control. At the former, order reigned 
and the vices were partly banished, partly repressed. 
At the latter, the vices were obvious and uncontrolled. 
Now, by order of state legislation, Nantasket Beach is 
public domain. Merely from the landscape point of 
view, it is the finer of the two, and it will, no doubt, 
soon become the beneficent place which the other has 
long been. The Revere Beach Reservation, with its 
beach, shelters, band concerts, merry-go-rounds, and 
restaurants, attracts large numbers. These average 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 201 

twelve thousand or fifteen thousand on week days and 
five or six times as many on fair Sundays. A corps of 
over a dozen Park Commission police efficiently man- 
ages this crowd. Only thirty-three arrests were made 
in 1897. 

It should not be enough to say of a resort that " one 
can see comparatively little rowdyism and so need not 
be disturbed." Nor is it effective to become disgusted 
with the place and to stay away. The rowdyism should 
be kept out. The resorts should be rivals to the city 
parks as means of healthful recreation, and they, too, 
should be made accessible to the many by means of a 
small transportation fee. 

Excursions are common. Does the laboring man 
enjoy them ? ' The politician gives an excursion and in- 
cludes him, but it were better for him to have stayed 
at home, for the beer has flowed freely and likely his 
vote will pay for his fun. If the day comes when the 
municipality controls the lands, the means of transpor- 
tation, and the various attractions, the cooperation of 
these essentials may bring the resort within the wage- 
earner's reach. The growing custom among transpor- 
tation companies of distributing tickets, free of charge, 
is a commendable one. The most economical use of 
private gifts is the one that will bring the greatest 
good to the greatest number. The Randidge fund of 
fifty thousand dollars, which was left to the city of Bos- 
ton, has been used to establish a picnic ground at one of 
the city islands, and daily transports to and from this 
place three hundred poor children in the city steamer. 
Surely there should be established many large and 
small parks and resorts accessible to the people, offer- 



202 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

ing the attractions of sociability and recreation which 
furnish clean and wholesome amusement under the 
supervision, if not the control, of the municipality, and 
offering to the laboring man a place of rest and refresh- 
ment outside of the saloon. 

Of equal importance as direct substitutes for the 
saloon are the outdoor gymnasiums and playgrounds 
for young men. Possibly the gymnasium is the most 
effective substitute ; it offers a definite aim to its habi- 
tues, something to work for, and it satisfies, at the 
same time, the primary social desire and the purely 
physical demand. Drinking combined with social re- 
creation is another instance of this double satisfaction. 
By refining the physical satisfaction, by changing it to 
one that is ultimately helpful to the body instead of harm- 
ful, an effective substitute is provided. One advantage 
of the gymnasium is that while often inaugurated un- 
der denominational auspices, its doors are open to all, 
even when other social activities are limited. 

Native athletic clubs are not numerous, and it is for 
philanthropy and the municipality to provide them. 
Recreation and physical exercise are fundamental to 
the moral and physical welfare of the people. The 
influence of such a place upon the community is de- 
monstrated in the history of the outdoor gymnasium 
connected with Seward Park, which was created by re- 
moving the tenements in the three blocks bounded by 
Hester, Norfolk, Division, and Essex streets, one of the 
most crowded regions on the East Side of New York. 
This place, filled with rubbish for a time, was the bat- 
tle-ground for many mimic wars which ended disas- 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 203 

trously for the boys engaged In them. The Outdoor 
Recreation League appeared, and finally enough money 
was raised to clean the space out and fence it in ; but 
the victory was not yet, and every morning crates of 
rotten eggs and any quantity of spoiled fruit and garb- 
age would be found there. The grounds were formally 
opened June 3, 1898, and for the past two seasons 
thousands of people have used the grounds daily and 
have ceased of their own accord to misuse them. The 
league has found trouble in securing money for its 
gymnasium because, being a park property, they were 
supposed to receive assistance from the city. Now the 
prospect is more encouraging, and it is hoped that the 
city will make the needed improvements. The plans 
submitted to the Park Department by the league pro- 
vide a large amphitheatre which would be a valuable 
addition. Instead of one, there are to be two gymna- 
siums. The place could be flooded in winter for skat- 
ing and in summer be used for the people's mass meet- 
ings. An attempt was made to have Seward Park 
lighted at night, but only four electric lights were fur- 
nished, which proved inadequate, and the grounds have 
not been kept open after dark. 

There is not a large city in America that could not 
profitably support such places. The fruits of these out- 
door gymnasiums have already appeared in hundreds 
of young fellows who have acquired a knowledge, not 
only of the best methods of exercise and its benefits, 
but of the principles of order, decency, and fair play. 
What has been accomplished proves what the influence 
of provision for the physical development and recrea- 
tion of the people is in wiping out quarters of un- 



204 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

cleanness and leading their habitants to wholesome and 
happier lives. The Charlesbank Gymnasium in Boston 
furnishes an excellent example. It is located on the 
river bank extending fi-om the Canal Street bridge to 
the West Boston bridge. This property, comprising 
ten acres, was acquired by the Park Department in 
1883 at a cost of over three hundred thousand dollars. 
The water side of the West End, being a district crowded 
with large colonies of Negroes and Jews, affords, apart 
from its gymnastic aim, valuable breathing-space. At 
either end are the playgrounds. The men's gymnastic 
apparatus is inclosed within a running-track allowing 
five laps to the mile. There are pulley weights, giant 
strides, horizontal and iiarallel bars, and swings. Near 
by is the lavatory and locker building, where there are 
shower and spray baths and a large number of lockers. 
A woman's gymnasiutn is at the opposite end of the 
park. The patronage of the men's outdoor gymnasium 
averages over one thousand a day, drawn from widely 
separated classes. The grounds are inclosed by an iron 
fence, which is thronged nightly with interested specta- 
tors, many of whom are induced to enter. East Boston 
and South Boston have similar gymnasiums. The com- 
paratively small attendance at class-work need not dis- 
courage one, because it is certainly a positive influence 
in the lives of the young men who do come and for 
months at a time give up smoking, drinking, and late 
hours. There are thousands who occasionally use the 
apparatus, and many more who take pleasure in look- 
ing on, at the same time being invited to healthier and 
cleaner habits. The outlay need not be excessive. A 
running-track, pulley weights, swings, horizontal and 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 205 

parallel bars, an inclined ladder, springboard, jumping- 
board, climbing-poles, and a punching-bag are sufficient 
apparatus. 

Other athletic sports are the bicycle meets and ball 
games. Unfortunately, gambling and drinking are 
often a part of these sports, but there is much that is 
desirable. If the ball fields were at a distance from 
the saloons, and if some rule were enforced which would 
keep out intoxicated men, it would be well. Were a 
real interest in the game the only motive that drew 
the crowds, it would be a most wholesome amusement ; 
and were the players desirous of carefully training 
well-developed physiques, it would be a means of in- 
creasing an admiration for sterling qualities among the 
people. 

For outdoor recreation, there is an ever increasing 
demand for space, and it is a legitimate use of the 
housetops and piers which can supply many of the 
benefits of the parks and gymnasiums. The Oriental 
custom of fleeing to the housetops is somewhat in vogue 
in the Hebrew quarters of New York, but compara- 
tively few roofs are open to the public, and these are 
not owned by the city or tenement proprietors. The 
Educational Alliance on East Broadway has opened the 
roof of its building to the people in the vicinity, and 
an average daily attendance of four thousand shows 
their appreciation. Eleven hundred of these are 
adults. Awnings are spread in the daytime, and there 
are seats and picnic tables. Soft drinks are sold, and 
there is a copious supply of ice water. Five evenings 
in the week there is music from eight to ten. 

It is hard to overestimate the value of open-air 



206 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

concerts, for they not only draw but hold large au- 
diences. There is always an increased attendance at 
the parks when they are given, and it is a significant 
fact that saloons in the neighborhood often give up 
their musical attractions. The saloon-keeper has re- 
cognized the fact that music attracts the people, and 
the corps of musicians who play nightly in each of the 
better class of bar-rooms in most cases justify the 
extra expense by an increase in patronage. Some who 
frequent the saloon for the sake of the music find their 
thoughts are clearer, their hearts lighter, and their 
hardships forgotten more easily. It is these whom the 
open-air concerts draw from the saloon, and it is the 
laborins: class as a whole who are furnished with an 
enjoyable means of spending an evening. 

The recreation piers of New York are built over 
ordinary wharves. They are roofed, and awnings are 
lowered over the sides in case of rain. They are open 
from seven A. M. to twelve p. m., and there is a chance 
for great benefit to be derived from them by many 
thousands of people. The privilege of setting up fruit 
and soda water stands is leased by the Dock Depart- 
ment, and notwithstanding the poverty of the patrons, 
trade is prosperous. Wooden benches line either side, 
and in the centre are the stands. Each evening a band 
of musicians plays. The wharves occupy the coolest 
and most picturesque part of many large cities, and 
they should be utilized for the comfort of the people. 
The details of administration must be carefully watched, 
and the thoroughfares leading to them must be well 
lighted and guarded, since they often run through the 
roughest part of the town. Besides the police and 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 207 

matrons in attendance at the piers to maintain order, 
there should be other restrictions to avoid the evil that 
is liable to arise because of the location, the freedom, 
and the character of certain of the patrons. The piers 
and the wharves under them could be used more than 
they are for purely recreative purposes. Running- 
tracks and gymnastic apparatus might be arranged on 
the wharves. 

The city which is near the water's edge has other 
natural resources in its means for swimming and boat- 
ing, fishing and bathing. Some good settlement work 
has been done in interesting boys in boating and swim- 
ming as preparation for service in a life-saving crew. 
Many inland cities have natural or artificial lakes, and 
they furnish much recreation to the people if the use 
of them is brought within their means. Excursions 
by water are often more attractive than picnics on 
land, and many philanthropists have taken heed of 
this fact. 

Much has been accomplished by the different organ- 
izations of our cities in establishing public baths for 
the summer months. In this the cities with natural 
facilities for bathing have the advantasre. The follow- 
ing is a quotation from a report of a committee of 
aldermen submitted in Boston as long ago as 1860. It 
recognizes the need of bathing for poor people and the 
difficulty of satisfying it in their own homes. " Con- 
sequently their baths are infrequent and of but partial 
benefit when taken. Then they become careless as to 
their persons and their apparel. Their respect for 
themselves and their class and their families diminishes. 



208 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

They lose all interest in education and in refined man- 
ners. Their moral sense becomes more or less blunted, 
and degeneracy is the inevitable tendency." Boston 
was one of the first cities in America to recognize the 
importance of free baths for poor people, and deserves 
credit for having done much to meet the need. Under 
the direction of the Bath Department, a large number 
of bathing-houses, swimming-pools, and floating-baths 
are now operated. For children of school age every- 
thing, including instruction, is furnished free, except 
towels, for the use of which a charge of one cent is 
made. Adults are supposed to pay for bathing-suits, 
except at North End Park, at the rate of five cents a 
suit, but this is by no means insisted upon in the case 
of patrons known to be too poor to pay the fee. The 
total number of bathers in the bath establishments for 
the season of 1898, — 

Estimated 2,500,000 

Expense of maintenance $35,000 

Cost per bath Olf 

3500 is the estimated number of children who learned 
to swim in free baths in 1898. 

The North End Park bathing-beach has been called 
"The Great City Bathtub." At either end of the 
beach, which is perhaps four hundred feet long, are 
the bathing-houses, the one for men including one hun- 
dred and fifty-one closets and five hundred lockers. 
These are used daily by an average of six thousand 
men and boys. In the women's bathhouse there are 
one hundred and sixty-four closets for an average 
attendance of three thousand. These numbers show 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 



209 



the popularity of bathing and the problem of providing 
adequate accommodations. It is almost impossible to 
exaggerate the influence of this bathing-beach in its 
neighborhood. The crowded tenement district which 
surrounds it is noticeably cleaner, and the police report 
the number of arrests of boys for malicious mischief 
greatly decreased. An equally important and interest- 
ing bath is the large beach bath in South Boston, which 
attracts thousands from all quarters of the city. 

The following tables give the statistics of the Bath 
Department : — 

BOSTON BATH DEPARTMENT STATISTICS. 1898. 



Floating-Houses. 

Maiden Bridge 

Chelsea Bridge 

Border Street (2) 

Maverick Point 

Dover Street (2) 

Warren Bridge (2) 

Craigie Bridge 

West Boston Bridge 

Neponset Bridge 

Harvard Bridge 

Beach Baths. 

Charlestown Park 

North End Park 

Wood Island Park 

K Street, South Boston . . . 
L Street, South Boston. . . . 

Commercial Point 

Neponset Beach 

Swimming-Pools. 

Orchard Park 

Cabot Street 

River Bath. 
West Roxbury 



When 
Estab- 
lished. 



1874 
1S75 
1866 
1870 
1866 
1866 
1867 
1866 
1898 



1898 
1897 
1808 
1898 
1866 

1898 



1898 
1868 



Cost. 



f4,500 
3,000 
6,000 
3,000 
6,000 

10,000 

5,r)(X) 

5,500 
3,000 
3,500 



1,500 

3,500 
1,500 
3,.500 
1,500 
temp'ry 



3,500 
4,500 



2,800 



Attend- 
ants. 



Average Daily 
Patronage. 



500 
600 
400 
400 
750 
700 
2,500 
800 
300 



2,000 
6,000 
2,000 

4,500 

1,500 

400 



500 
1,300 



175 

250 
200 
200 
650 
650 

700 
200 



1,500 
3,000 
1,200 
3,000 

1,500 



200 
300 



210 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

TOTALS. 

Number of Establishments. 

Floating-houses 13 

Beach baths 7 

Pools 2 

River baths 1 

23 

Total Cost $72,300 

Number of Attendants. 

Men ; .... 77 

Women 46 

123 

Average Daily Patronage. 

City Baths, 

Men 25,450 

Women 13,925 39,375 

State Bath at Revere 1,500 

City Point Bath 700 

Total number of persons in average daily \ ,-. ^-p. 

attendance at public bathing-places in Boston j ' 

For the sake of unity the " all the year round " bath 
is discussed here instead of in the preceding chapter. 
Facilities for bathing during the summer months have 
been within the reach of the wage-earner of some of 
our cities for a good many years, but it is only within 
the i^ast five years that the jjrovision for bathing all 
the year round has been seriously undertaken. The 
necessity for such provision from the point of view of 
the public health is made very aj^parent by the simple 
observation that the tenement houses in which live 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 211 

vast numbers of the working people have absolutely 
no facilities for bathing, and that cleanliness of body 
is certainly as desirable during the winter as during 
the summer months. In New York only three hun- 
dred and six people out of the 255,033 considered by 
Mr. Gilder's committee, and only two per cent of the 
population studied by the Bureau of Labor, had access 
to baths inside of the houses which they occupied. It 
is true that to some the bath seems to be a summer 
pastime, and that in the winter months the average 
attendance at the public baths is lower ; and yet that 
the people desire to bathe during the colder months 
has been amply proved by the success of the winter 
baths already established. No municipality then will 
have discharged its duty, as Mayor Quincy has defined 
it, until it brings " within the reach of all, in winter 
as well as in summer, facilities for securing the physi- 
cal cleanliness that bears such close relationship to 
social and moral well-being." 

The cities that are discharging this duty are very 
few. The most are content to allow their thousands 
of toilers to go unwashed during at least eight months 
of the year. It is only since 1895 that the movement 
began in America, in imitation of very successful 
European models, and thus far it has reached only half 
a dozen of our American cities. The beginning was 
made in New York, where the Society for Improv- 
ing the Condition of the Poor established an all the 
year people's bath at Centre Market Place, and a 
portion of the Baron de Hirsch Fand was used to 
locate another at Market and Henry streets. Besides 
taking the lead chronologically, New York has taken 



212 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

another step far in advance of any other common- 
wealth ; for Mayor Strong's Committee on Public 
Baths, appointed in July, 1895, obtained legislation 
making the establishment of free hot and cold baths, 
open fourteen hours daily throughout the year, obliga- 
tory on the larger cities of the State. Already one 
large bath has been opened in Buffalo in a central 
location, and another is under construction in the most 
congested part of the city. For the one municipal 
bath in New York no less than two hundred thousand 
dollars was a^jpropriated. 

Other cities followed New York's example. In 
Philadelphia and Baltimore the work was undertaken 
by private associations or individuals. The Public 
Bath Association of Philadelphia was organized on 
February 7 and incorporated on March 19, 1895, " for 
the purpose of establishing and maintaining public 
baths and affording to the poor facilities for bathing 
and the promotion of health and cleanliness." In 
April, 1897, the public bath on the corner of Gaskill 
and Leithgow streets was formally opened. Its con- 
struction cost approximately twenty-seven thousand 
dollars. It has been successful from the start. In 
the same summer in Philadelphia, 2,853,702 bathers 
were recorded in the seven public baths maintained by 
the city. There is no charge whatever in these, and 
bathers bring their own towels. That public baths 
can be run at little expense is proved by Baltimore, 
whose statistics show forty thousand baths to have 
cost only five hundred dollars, one eighth cent per 
bath. And yet not more than half a dozen munici- 
palities are providing for this need. 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 



213 



In Boston itself, it was not until the spring of 1898 
that the city undertook the provision for indoor bath- 
ing. An indoor bathhouse has been erected on Dover 
Street, in the midst of a dense pojjulation and within 
easy reach of the outlying districts.^ On the first 
floor are separate waiting-rooms for men and women, 
together with the laundry and engine-room in the rear. 
On the second floor are bathrooms both for men and 
for women. There are thirty sprays and three tubs 
for men, and eleven sprays and six tubs for women. 
All the baths are inclosed. Each shower cabin con- 
tains a dressing-alcove, with a seat, A Gegenstrom 
apparatus is used, which permits the bather to regu- 
late the temperature of the water to suit himself. The 
following table for the winter of 1898-1899 shows its 
success during the first months : — 

NUMBER OF BATHERS AT THE DOVER STREET BATH 
DURING THE FIRST SEVEN MONTHS. 



October (15 days). 

November 

December 

January 

February 

March 

April 



Men. 


Boys. 


Total. 


Women. 


Girls. 


4,156 


1,460 


5,616 


669 


581 


6,837 


3,907 


10,744 


2,465 


2,323 


7,559 


3,812 


11,371 


2,812 


2,535 


7,646 


3,780 


11,426 


2,633 


2,988 


7,733 


3,664 


11,397 


2,641 


2,354 


9,796 


4,341 


14,137 


3,791 


2,866 


12,535 


5,637 


18,172 


4,314 


4,017 



Total. 



1,250 

4,788 
5,347 
5,621 
4,995 
6,657 
8,331 



Whole number 119,852 

Largest number of bathers in any one day 2,045 



The swimming-pools of Orchard Park and Cabot 
Street will be made available for the winter months, 
since all that is necessary is to heat the water in the 
^ Free Municipal Baths in Boston, by W. I. Cole. 



214 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

tanks. The Bath Department contemplates having an- 
other large bathhouse at the North End, the outlying 
sections to be accommodated by baths connected with 
gymnasiums. 

Chicago has at present three or four all the year round 
baths operated by the city, but outside of the cities 
mentioned there are few that have free public bathing- 
houses. San Francisco has two magnificent bathing 
establishments, but the fee of twenty-five cents shuts 
out the man who needs them most. It would be a 
good plan for San Francisco to purchase the Lurline 
Baths, which are centi-ally located, and throw them 
open to the public. Denver has a pool natatorium in 
summer ; nothing in winter. The price of admission 
is twenty-five cents ; even so the bath is inadequate for 
the city's population of 135,000. In Cincinnati, where 
river bathing is against the law, a bath costs fifteen 
cents at the " Swim," at the Young Men's Christian 
Association, or at the Cincinnati Gymnasium. And 
so the story goes. If every State would imitate the 
legislature of New York, or every city follow the policy 
of Boston, we would have cleaner, healthier men and 
women in our cities, fewer victims of disease and of 
intemperance. 

Experience, then, has taught these lessons in regard 
to the winter baths : First, that the baths should be 
free, and to this end controlled and operated by the 
city. Second, that a " considerable number of estab- 
lishments should be furnished designed for local use 
rather than one or two on a large scale at central 
points. In other words, the people of a given neigh- 
borhood should not have to go far in order to avail 



OUTDOOR AMUSEMENTS. 215 

themselves of such facilities. If the bath is within 
half a mile to a mile of the home, it will be readily or 
extensively used ; if it is two or three miles away, its 
use will be very greatly restricted." Third, that not 
the pool but the shower bath is the best form of in- 
door bath. The Gegenstrbm apparatus has been most 
widely adopted, by which the water is made to strike 
the shoulders first and the temperature can be regu- 
lated to suit the bather. Fourth, that twenty thousand 
dollars is sufficient to erect and equip a bathhouse with 
a capacity of eight hundred daily. 

It has been suggested that when the people look 
upon the bath as a necessity, and when it ceases to be 
a luxury, its direct influence upon the saloon will be 
smaller. More likely it will work the other way. 
The public bath open all the year round should rank as 
one of the most important municipal agencies for the 
improvement of the condition of the people. Inland 
cities suffer a disadvantage, but in working out the 
problem of substitution for the saloon, they may be 
assured that the institution which offers the fun of 
swimming with the luxury of cooling off is an impor- 
tant one. Here again physical enjoyment is combined 
with recreation, — a place to get cool with a place for 
social pleasure. The bath is closely allied with our 
subject both from the point of view of recreation and 
of cleanliness, the one connecting it directly, the other 
indirectly, with the saloon substitute problem. 



CHAPTER IX. 

LUNCH-EOOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 

The saloon is primarily a driiiking-place ; its real 
business is to satisfy the desire for intoxicating liquors. 
When, therefore, we turn to consider the possibility of 
meeting the saloon in open competition on its chosen 
field, we face a more difficult problem than we have 
yet met, a problem which, strictly speaking, is incapable 
of solution. There is no substitute for the saloon as 
a drinking centre because there is no substitute for 
alcohol. This is the very citadel of the liquor dealer, 
from which he looks down with reasonable and well- 
founded indifference upon all substitutes. His confi- 
dence is not misplaced. It rests upon the deepest 
physiological foundation, for it is not the normal 
thirst alone which alcohol satisfies. Beyond it is that 
morbid craving for a sensation which as yet alcohol 
alone has been able to produce. All other . soft drinks 
are " kindergarten " affairs, which the drinking man 
views with good -humor and contempt. Other reasons, 
beside the physiological, increase the difficulty. Alco- 
hol whets but does not satisfy the thirst. Hence it is 
a means of retaining the customer. Once awakened, 
the desire for alcoholic stimulants becomes habitual, 
more and more exacting and imperative until it demands 
daily a frequent gratification. Once a saloon patron 
always a patron. But "soft drinks" exert no such 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 217 

continuous hold. They satisfy, do not excite the thirst. 
The demand for them is intermittent and irregular. 
Again, alcohol is a stimulant to sociability. It warms 
the cockles of the heart and promotes good cheer. Tea, 
coffee, and ginger ale in any quantity cannot rival in 
this respect a single glass of beer. And when we con- 
sider that if the demand for temperance drinks really 
becomes considerable, there is nothing in the license of 
the saloon-keeper which prevents him from adding 
them to his own stock in trade, the problem seems 
truly hopeless. 

It will not do, then, to overestimate the influence of 
temperance drinking-places. The most that can be 
said of any attempt to rival the saloon upon the ground 
of drink alone is that it is a palliative, not in any sense 
a cure. Where soft drinks alone are furnished, with- 
out any other inducement, their effect is that they offer 
a means for satisfying the normal thirst without the 
necessity of entering a saloon. Where other induce- 
ments are offered, they and not the soft drinks are 
primarily the cause for the patronage. But it may 
be true that in the course of time an habitual use of 
non-intoxicants will take the place of the abnormal 
craving for alcoholic drinks. Thus all kinds of places 
for retailing soft drinks have their place, and, within 
the limits that have been suggested, exert a wholesome 
influence. 

The places where non-alcoholic drinks are on sale in 
any city are almost innumerable. Nearly every drug- 
store has its soda fountain, frequently with attachments 
for serving hot chocolate or beef tea. To these must 
be added the confectionery stores and the lemonade 



218 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

and spring- water stands. The patronage of these places 
during the warm months is enormous ; and if it may 
be claimed that few saloon patrons are applicants at 
the soda fountain, it may with equal confidence be 
affirmed that without the soda fountain the saloon 
patronage would be largely increased. A member of 
one of the largest wholesale drug and chemical firms 
in Boston said that he believed more was being done 
for the cause of temperance by the introduction of 
large soda fountains in city pharmacies than by all 
the societies and pledges which had been devised. An 
effort was made some years ago to secure a rough esti- 
mate of the extent of the soda-water traffic in the city 
of Boston. The method followed was to obtain from 
the wholesale soda manufacturers an estimate of the 
amount of soda water furnished to the retailers of the 
city. The wholesale soda-dealers are comparatively 
few In number, and their business Is so systematized 
that an estimate of the number of fountains supj)lied, 
and the frequency of the replenishment, can be accu- 
rately given. The majority of the fountains contain 
ten gallons, some of them running as high as fifteen. 
In reducing the calculation to glasses, one half a pint 
of the soda water was allowed to a glass, which is prob- 
ably an overestimate. The returns of the six manufac- 
turers, in terms of glasses per day, give approximately 
85,000 as a patronage for which they can account. By 
taking all the variety of temperance drinks which do 
not contain soda water in their composition as an addi- 
tional figure, it was estimated that 100,000 was the 
probable daily patronage during the summer months 
of the soda fountains and street booths of the city. 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 219 

This was just about one half of the estimated total 
saloon patronage. And it is probable that for every 
two who visit the saloons during the summer, one at 
least will satisfy his thirst at a temperance drinking- 
place. Now it is evident that so large a consumption 
of temperance drinks must keep some at least out of 
the saloons. The proprietors of temperance drinking- 
places, without doubt, find that their returns are appre- 
ciably greater on holidays, when saloons are closed, than 
on days when they are open. When beer, that is, 
cannot be had, a milder drink becomes a good substi- 
tute. 

In addition to these establishments for the sale of 
soft drinks are the public ice-water fountains. In 
New York, the Church Temperance Society has placed 
nine of these fountains in crowded portions of the city, 
generally in connection with some church or mission. 
In Boston, the city has provided the fountains, thirty- 
two of them being maintained at public expense during 
the summer, in addition to a few others supported by 
private gifts. Here is a convenient and practical form 
of municipal enterprise. At slight expense much com- 
fort and satisfaction can be given, and a positive cor- 
rective to the saloon be provided ; for it is impossible 
to suppose that of the hundreds of workingmen who 
daily stand in line waiting their turn for a drink of 
cold water some at least would not otherwise find their 
way to a saloon. The cost of a substantial fountain is 
about one hundred and fifty dollars. It should consist 
of a strong wooden chest, covered on the bottom and 
sides with iron pipe, and with a cavity in the centre 
capable of holding three hundred pounds of ice that 



220 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

has to be added daily. The cost of operating such a 
fountain for six months of the year, allowing for 
repairs, will be about seventy-five dollars. It is hard 
to conceive how so small an amount of money could 
perform a greater amount of good. 

On the ground of satisfying a natural thirst for 
drink, then, these temperance drinking-places are exert- 
ing a large influence. Unhappily, however, where the 
morbid appetite for liquor begins, this competition 
ceases, and the superior attraction of the alcoholic 
drink can be met only by the provision of other attrac- 
tions oi such a kind and variety that they will overcome 
the single appeal to appetite. Such, in a word, is the 
philosophy underlying the coffee-house, the tea saloon, 
the temperance tavern, and all similar institutions. As 
against the bar with its beer and whiskey, there is a bar 
with its temperance drinks, and in addition a well- 
stocked reading-room, a billiard-room, a bowling-alley, 
and perhaps good lodgings and wholesome food, — re- 
sources that can satisfy not only the normal thirst, but 
the normal desire for recreation and sociability as well. 

One reason, then, for the failure of American temper- 
ance drinking-places has been that they have attempted 
the unequal contest of meeting the saloon with temper- 
ance drinks alone without adding any forms of attractive 
amusements. The inevitable result has been that the 
demand for the drinks has not been sufficient to warrant 
keeping the places open, to say nothing of paying 
expenses. An interesting illustration is furnished by 
the coffee-house movement in Boston. The original 
intention was to offer coffee as a substitute for beer, 
and simple forms of amusement were to be provided ; 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 221 

but the demand for coffee was so small that its sale was 
discontinued, and at present the coffee-houses are merely 
social gathering places for the neighborhood in which 
they are located, where smoking is permitted, and 
occasional lectures are given. Upon the basis of drink 
alone, it must be repeated, no successful competition 
with the saloon can be expected. 

Another point has been conclusively proved by Ameri- 
can experiments, and that is that any charitable or 
religious motive which may lie behind such attempts 
as these to rival the saloons must be kept well in the 
background. To indiscretion in this particular the 
failure of more than one well-intentioned enterprise 
may be attributed. The Church Army has made inter- 
esting attempts to provide temperance drinking-places 
in avowed rivalry to the saloon. Its most successful 
establishment is in New Haven, where at the present 
time two coffee-rooms are in operation. The first of 
these is on Gregson Street, in the mercantile section 
of the city, the other on Grand Avenue, a poorer busi- 
ness district. At both of these places is a coffee bar, 
where for five cents one gets a good cup of coffee, 
a plate of beans, and two slices of bread. ^ Two hun- 
dred and fifty such meals are served daily at Gregson 
Street, and about half that number at Grand Avenue. 
Both also have lodgings connected with them, the 
former called Sherman's Hotel. Lodging for a night 
is furnished at fifteen cents, single rooms are rented 
by the week at one dollar and twenty-five cents. There 
is a social and smoking room, and there is also a 
small chapel, where daily evening services are held. 

^ New Haven report. 



222 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

The success of tliis institution can be attributed to 
the advantages that it offers : good food at low prices, 
and good lodgings. The temperance drinks are not by 
any means the most important feature of the enter- 
prise. This bears out what has already been said. 
In addition to the receipts, one thousand dollars has 
been needed for rent and help, which has been contrib- 
uted from outside sources. A feature of the institution 
of the Church Army is the union of the religious and 
of the social ideas. In New Haven this has not proved 
to be offensive, but when all allowances are made it 
will be found unwise to connect the religious activities 
with an experiment of this kind. The ill results of 
this combination became apparent when an effort was 
made to repeat this experiment in New York City, 
where a tea saloon was formally opened on Allen Street. 
Cakes, pies, or sandwiches, in addition to the tea, were 
served without extra payment. This experiment re- 
ceived a good deal of advertisement. It was announced 
as an open rival to the saloon, and at first its patronage 
was considerable. But the enterprise did not pretend 
to be a business venture merely. It was to be a benevo- 
lence. Its name, Church Army Tea Saloon, was hung 
out in brilliant colors on a large sign ; tea missionaries 
were to teach the neighborhood how to brew the best 
tea at the least expense. Religious services were held 
every evening from eight to nine o'clock, conducted by 
a chaplain of the Army, or his assistants. The effect 
of the benevolent and religious features was not helpful. 
The church aspect of the affair was too apparent. In 
a few months the patronage of the place had consider- 
ably fallen off, and at last the plan was abandoned. 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 223 

Another obstacle in the way of the permanent success 
of these experiments has been the matter of finance. 
No one of the establishments that has been mentioned 
has been even in a fair way of paying its expenses. 
The price of drinks has been put so low that no profit 
has resulted from which to pay the rental, the salaries 
of employees, and the expense of varied attractions 
which, as we have seen, are essential to their success. 
In a word, every one of these experiments has been a 
charity, in that it has depended upon private gifts for 
its support. A determined effort was made a few 
years ago in the city of Washington to see if one of 
these institutions could not be placed upon a paying 
basis. The results of this experiment are especially 
important, since both of the obstacles above referred 
to were carefully avoided. It was assumed that the 
patronage of the place would depend in large measure 
upon attractions other than the temperance drinks to 
be offered, and it was to be a business and not a bene- 
volent or religious enterprise. The experiment was 
intended, in the words of its promoter, to test the ques- 
tion whether a temperance saloon could be made to pay 
a moderate return on the capital invested, or if not, 
whether such a saloon could be even made to pay ex- 
penses. In order that fair conditions should prevail 
throughout, a central location was chosen, and nothing 
on the exterior indicated that this was other than an 
ordinary bar-room. No effort was made to create a 
" high-toned " atmosphere within. A regular barkeeper 
in his shirt-sleeves stood behind a bar of ordinary pat- 
tern, and behind him were shelves covered with bottles 
and all the attractive furnishings to be found in bar- 



224 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

rooms elsewhere. Tables were scattered around, papers 
and games were supplied. No attempt was made to 
improve the language or morals of the customers ; the 
only perceptible difference between this and any other 
bar-room lay in the fact that no alcoholic liquors could 
be procured. Two pool tables were provided, for using 
which a small charge was made. The experimenter him- 
self very rarely visited the saloon, lest he should be re- 
cognized and customers should be made to fear that they 
were being patronized, or that some effort was being 
made, under religious auspices, for their moral improve- 
ment. It is not believed that up to the present time 
the frequenters of the saloon have any idea that it was 
other than an ordinary commercial venture. All ex- 
travagances of expenditure were avoided. The initial 
cost was necessarily somewhat large. Several hundred 
dollars were expended in order to make the place at- 
tractive, the only second-hand articles being the pool 
tables. The place at first was looked upon in the light 
of a curiosity, but in time it came to be regarded as a 
fixture in the community, and had its own regular client- 
age. Because of the lack of all restraint, the language 
at first was unsavory. This was greatly changed, but it 
was a change Avorked by degrees. Some of the fre- 
quenters were known to be men who had formerly 
patronized regular bar-i'ooius, but apparently enjoyed 
the clearer and cleaner atmosphere found within this 
saloon. One fact appeared which was regarded as 
more than a mere coincidence : a bar-room two doors 
away which had been doing business for years was 
closed because its joatronage had fallen off to such an 
extent that the business proved unprofitable. The 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 225 

saloon has proved a success In keeping a certain num- 
ber of young" men away from ordinary bar-rooms and 
giving them a place where their evenings could be 
innocently spent. But keeping in mind the fact that 
the whole object of the experimenter was to find 
whether a temperance saloon could be made so commer- 
cially profitable as to invite capital and naturally 
supersede the saloon, it must be said that the results 
have not been encouraging. There have been periods 
of a month or two when the receipts were sufficiently 
large to cover the expenses and to give a slight profit, 
but such months have been the exception. Indeed, 
without the pool tables, the experiment must have come 
to an end some time ago. The demand for soft drinks 
has never been large, and the gain from selling them 
is very small. On alcoholic liquors in the ordinary 
saloon the profit is from one hundred and fifty to two 
hundred per cent, but it seldom exceeds fifty per cent 
on soft drinks. Here is the root of the financial diffi- 
culty. The profit from temperance drinks alone does 
not more than pay exi^enses. 

The results of this experiment must probably be 
accepted as decisive, since every condition looking 
towards independence was carefully met. The further 
question remains to be answered : Is it possible to 
discover a non-alcoholic beverage that will make a 
profit, or an alcoholic drink which will not cause in- 
toxication ? Several of these beverages have been 
invented and placed on the market. Of non-alcoholic 
drinks we have Kop's Ale, an English mixture. Of 
alcoholic drinks we have French coca wine or the cheap 
Alica beer containing not over one per cent of alcohol, 



226 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

which is consumed in large quantities by the natives of 
the North End, Boston. Other drinks have been 
devised from time to time by temperance workers in 
the hope of solving the problem. 

The most interesting of these experiments has been 
the Home Salon, conducted by Bishop Fallows in 
Chicago. His institution, like the Washington tem- 
perance saloon, was a purely business enterprise, but 
in addition a beverage was sold which he trusted 
would meet the conditions of the problem. All the 
attractive features of the saloon were retained except 
alcoholic beverages. Indeed, the location selected was 
a room formerly occupied by one of the notorious 
saloons of the city. The wine-rooms in it were torn 
down, but the other appurtenances, such as the bar 
and shelves, were allowed to remain. A kind of drink 
composed of pure malt and hops carbonized was pro- 
vided after careful experiment by competent chemists ; 
it was absolutely non-alcoholic. It sustained the same 
relation to the ordinary beer that unfermented wine 
does to the vinous substance. All the so-called soft 
drinks were furnished besides tea and coffee. A good 
luncheon was served at a moderate cost. At one end 
of the lunch-room men could smoke if they desired. 
There were newspapers, magazines, games, with occa- 
sional music. Such was the Home Salon, but it failed. 
The " Bishop's beer," as the drink was called, proved 
after protracted trial that it must be used within a 
week or two after manufacturing to be perfectly free 
from the traces of alcohol. This was not always possi- 
ble, and so it proved to be just alcoholic enough to 
require a license. Bishops Fallows himself ascribes 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 227 

the failure of the experiment, aside from the cause 
that has beeu given, to poor management. He was 
unable himself, on account of absence from the city, 
carefully to supervise the affair, which was turned over 
to some young men to be carried on in another part 
of the city ; but without capital they were unable to 
carry on the business. The experiment, at any rate, 
did not succeed in evolving a beverage which will pay 
a sufficient profit without being alcoholic. 

To sum up, then, the lessons taught by these attempts 
to provide attractive temperance drinking-places as 
substitutes for the saloon, we find the essentials for the 
success of any such enterprise to be the following : 1. 
A large variety in the drinks and other attractions, 
such as reading and smoking facilities, billiard tables, 
cheap food, and even lodgings. 2. The absence not 
only of a religious but of a benevolent aspect from the 
enterprise. 3. A capable business manager who shall 
conduct the establishment so as to place it upon a pay- 
ing basis if possible. 4. A sufficient initial investment 
of capital to cover the losses of the first few experimen- 
tal months, and to start a number of establishments, in 
order that the losses from some of them may be made 
good by the gains from others. When these conditions 
have been realized, such establishments may expect to 
pay all running expenses, but hardly a dividend on cap- 
ital invested. 

Another plan has been suggested. It has been pro- 
posed that temperance saloons recognize the demand 
for alcoholic stimulants as legitimate and provide good 
beer and light wines to be sold with discretion and with 
no attempt to make a profit. This plan has been advo- 



228 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

cated by some most interested in temperance reform, 
and i« already in operation in England. An account 
of this English experiment is given in the next chapter. 

But the saloon is not only a drink establishment ; it 
has become a food dejDot as well. It satisfies daily not 
only the thirst but the hunger of thousands of people. 
The truth of this proposition is entirely independent of 
the vexed question of the nutritive properties of alco- 
hol. It is true that a hard drinker subsists on a mini- 
mum of food, which is readily supplied by the free 
lunch. It is also true that the food provided at home 
for the wage-earner is often of a quality which predis- 
poses him for the taste of liquor. Those who have had 
the best opportunities for observing the conditions of 
living of the poorer classes are unanimous in their 
belief that men whose wives are intelligent and capa- 
ble women are much less apt to frequent the sa- 
loons. Wholesome and tasteful food at home will 
do more to promote temperance among wage-earners 
than any number of tea saloons or coffee-houses. But 
the poorer workingwomen often know little or nothing 
about cooking. Fried food and strong coffee form the 
bulk of the American workingman's diet. This causes 
indigestion, and of itself fosters a thirst for stimulants 
which the saloon readily supplies. At the beginning, 
this must be a work of education. Fortunately the 
materials for popular instruction upon the most nutri- 
tive and wholesome food products and the best methods 
of preparing them are already at hand. The United 
States government is interesting itself in the question 
of the diet of the people ; private philanthropy has 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 229 

been busy with its investigations, its cooking classes, 
and its model kitchens. Of all this activity it need 
only be said that it'is attacking the saloon at a most 
vulnerable point. Churches, settlements, and all other 
benevolent agencies can do no more radical and funda- 
mental work towards the solution of the temperance 
problem than by promoting scientific instruction upon 
the selection and proper preparation of food for the 
wage-earner. 

One has only to refer to the discussion of the saloon 
free lunch to become convinced of the extent to which 
the saloons in all our large cities operate as food dis- 
tributing establishments. It is unnecessary to repeat the 
demonsti^ation at this point. The popularity of the free 
lunch lies in the fact that one can obtain sufficient food, 
and drink besides, for the same price that the simplest 
meal would cost at any cheap restaurant. Even whei-e 
the free lunch is the least abvindant and attractive, it 
still provides sufficient nourishment to satisfy the hun- 
ger of multitudes of workingmen. It is evident, then, 
that temperance eating-places begin to operate as saloon 
substitutes only when they offer food of such a quality, 
or at such a price, or under such conditions, that the 
added attraction of the drink is more than counter-bal- 
anced in the mind of the purchaser. This statement 
would preclude from the list of direct substitutes all 
lunch-rooms and restaurants which offer no such induce- 
ments, or whose patronage is drawn from that portion 
of the population which do not frequent the saloons. 

Of cheap lunch-rooms and restaurants every city has 
an abundance. As a rule, they are of two classes : either 
they provide good meals, well cooked and decently 



230 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

served, at the usual rate of twenty-five cents, or at a 
minimum of fifteen cents (only in rare instances ten 
cents) ; or else they attempt to offer sufficient food to 
satisfy the hunger at even a lower rate, but invariably 
under conditions so repellent that the ordinary saloon 
seems very attractive in comparison. Now it is evident 
that neither of these classes of restaurants can be 
called in any legitimate sense a saloon substitute, for 
neither will attract saloon patrons to it : the first, be- 
cause its price is too high ; the second, because its 
food is too poor. Thus it may be seen how little is the 
real competition that exists between the saloon and the 
cheap eating-places, and how securely the saloon holds 
the field as the feeder of all who have acquired the 
taste for liquor and have thus become patrons of the 
saloon. On a single street in Chicago, frequented by 
wage-earners, there are, in a distance of four miles, 
but eight restaurants for poor men, and all of these are 
unattractive. In the same four miles there are one hun- 
dred and fifteen saloons, nearly all of which furnish 
free lunches, together with all the other attractions of 
the Chicago saloon. Standing at a street corner near 
large business or factory establishments at a noon hour 
one may count the number of men that go straight 
from their woi-k to a saloon for luncheon. They will 
outnumber, ten to one, those that enter any eating- 
house in the vicinity. 

There are a few restaurants, however, in at least some 
of our cities which may be regarded as saloon substi- 
tutes. Occasionally five-cent eating-places have been 
found which offer enough food to satisfy the hunger 
under sufficiently attractive conditions. Five years 



LUNCH-KOOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 231 

ago such places could be found in Boston when the Bos- 
ton Lunch Company was doing business. This was 
partly a philanthropic and partly a business enterprise. 
The idea was to furnish a substantial lunch for five 
cents under pleasant conditions, and yet in such a man- 
ner as to exclude the thought of charity. To provide 
good food and comfort, with plants, pictures, and, most 
difficult of all, a little good cheer, and music, if possible, 
was the purpose of the promoters of the enterprise. 
The experiment continued for over two years. Estab- 
lishments were opened in different parts of the city. 
The patronage was uniformly large, often estimated 
as high as fifteen hundred a day, but the experiment 
has not been a financial success, and the concern has 
since discontinued its business. Denver has two lunch- 
counters where for five cents one can have a hot meat 
pie or pork and beans with a roll, a bowl of soup or of 
oat-meal and milk with bread, two eggs fried or scram- 
bled, or any kind of sandwich. The average daily pat- 
ronage of these places, according to the estimates of 
the proprietors, is 1785. One could hardly fail to class 
them among the effective saloon substitutes existing in 
Denver. ^ In San Francisco the situation is very pecul- 
iar. Here the saloons, by virtue of their free lunch, 
have really become restaurants, and the restaurants, in 
order to do any business, have taken to selling liquor. 
On account of the comparative cheapness of meat and 
vegetables, it is possible for saloons to offer a substan- 
tial meal with a five-cent drink. Hence it seems im- 
possible for a man to obtain as much for his money in 
any eating-place as he can in the saloon. Temperance 
restaurants in San Francisco, then, are not so easy to 



232 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

find as one might imagine. When they do exist, they 
feel keenly the competition of the free lunch, and really 
offer less for the same amount of money. The only 
apparent exception is the well-known New Economy 
restaurant, which probably deserves the distinction of 
offering more good food for the money than any other 
restaurant in San Francisco, if not in America. The 
proprietor owes his success, to the fact that he is a well- 
known character, and his large patronage enables him 
to make a profit. The following five-cent dishes are 
served with coffee, tea, or milk : small steak, small 
hamburger, pork and beans, corned beef hash, ham or 
bacon. 

These few lunch-rooms may be said to compete with 
the saloon on account of the low price of the good food 
they offer. A few others may be put in the same class 
because of other attractions that they offer with the 
food. It is very rare in any city of the country to find 
restaurants with reading-rooms or smoking-rooms at- 
tached. The reason is evident. There is no gain to 
the proprietor in having his customer linger after his 
hunger has been satisfied, for his place is needed for 
the next comer, and no inducement is held out for him 
to remain. Indeed, the rapidity with which food is con- 
sumed is a characteristic of our American eating-places. 
A premium seems to be put upon haste. The idea ap- 
parently uppermost in the mind of a man entering an 
American restaurant is to see how quickly he can make 
his escape. The element of sociability is very rarely 
found in eating-places of any description. Among the 
foreign population of our cities, however, restaurants 
are frequently social centres. In the Italian quarters 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 233 

of any large city may be found small lunch-rooms 
where no stronger liquor is sold than bottled tonics. 
Cigars, light drinks, lunches, oysters, and fruit form 
the stock in trade. A room on the ground floor with 
plenty of chairs and tables makes the place seem not 
unlike a saloon except that the beer odor is not present. 
Here in the evening and late afternoon the men loaf 
and smoke and play cards. These places are run for 
profit, and the aim is simply to provide a loafing-place, 
with temperance drinks and a cold or hot lunch, and 
in this they succeed. They are not conscious rivals of 
the saloon, and a majority of their patrons are probably 
saloon patrons as well ; but at least they suggest how the 
problem is to be met by adding the element of sociabil- 
ity and comfort to the bare provision of food. Occa- 
sionally local conditions produce a restaurant of this 
kind. In New York, for examjole, the bakery restau- 
rants not infrequently add social features. Most of 
them are plain in their appointments. On Grand Street 
there are a few which are more elaborately furnished. 
These are particularly well patronized after the thea- 
tres close at night. There are others which cater par- 
ticularly to the noonday trade, and again others where 
breakfast is the only meal of much account ; but 
all of them provide tables, where one may smoke or 
talk or read in peace. In Denver a single lunch-room 
was discovered which provided for the social needs of 
its patrons ; but although a most unpretentious place, it 
furnished, for the section of the city in which it was 
located, almost the only social centre apart from the 
saloons. Separated from the lunch-counter by sliding 
curtains is a reading-room. The condition of the tat- 



234 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

tered papers and mutilated books testifies to the vigor 
and frequency with which they have been used. There 
is usually only a small number of men present during 
the daytime, but their number increases about six 
o'clock, and an hour later the room is full, and from 
that time until ten or eleven o'clock the capacity of the 
little readinjj-room is strained to accommodate all of its 
patrons. An interval of two miles separates this little 
reading-room from the nearest temperance resort of any 
kind, in spite of the fact that the section of the city is 
very populous. Yet within half a block are four sa- 
loons which seem to owe the greater part of their trade 
to the lack of other social centres to compete with them. 
It may be seen from this review how few are the eat- 
ing-places which ever offer food at low enough prices 
or under attractive enough conditions to make them 
real rivals of the saloon. It is also apparent that un- 
der normal conditions the free lunch cannot be success- 
fully combated and at the same time a margin be left 
for profits. It is the sale of liquor which enables the 
saloon to offer food to its patrons. In order to make a 
living, the restaurant-keeper is obliged to place such a 
price upon the food or to serve it under conditions so 
unattractive as to leave the free lunch practically un- 
rivaled. But if the element of profits can be elim- 
inated, then the price can be lowered and the attrac- 
tions made sufficient to overcome the advantages held 
out by the saloon. The food can then be sold prac- 
tically at cost, and the greater cleanliness and supe- 
rior service at the restaurant make themselves felt. 
Sometimes these advantages exist separately ; some- 
times they are combined. In either case, the eating- 



LUNCH-ROOMS AXD COFFEE-HOUSES. 235 

places so conducted become formidable rivals to the 
saloon as food centres and social centres as well. 

Very frequently eating-places of this character are 
conducted by missions of different kinds, where the 
chief attraction is the low price of the food offered. In 
Boston, for example, at the West End there is a mis- 
sion which conducts a low-priced restaurant as a part 
of its establishment. The room itself, which is below 
the line of the sidewalk, is bare and dingy ; there is no 
attempt at decoration. The floor is covered with saw- 
dust, and the deal tables are without cloth. Cleanli- 
ness, however, is noticeable throughout, and it is the 
absurdly small price which attracts its large patronage, 
a patronage sufficient in this case to pay the expenses, 
including the rental of the rbom and the salary of the 
superintendent. Another institution of the same kind 
is carried on by the Helping Hand Mission of San 
Francisco. Here vegetarian meals are served to an 
average of three hundred men a day. Each article on 
the bill of fare costs a cent, and for five cents a hungry 
man can be filled. Again, the patronage is accounted 
for by the extremely low price of the food. 

In Philadelphia, we find conspicuous illustrations of 
this type of restaurant which have been conducted on 
a larger scale and for a longer time than elsewhere in 
the country. The oldest one is Bailey's Coffee House, 
which has been in existence for twenty - five years. 
Before the advent of the cheap restaurant, Mr. Bailey 
served in his two establishments as many as six thou- 
sand people a day. The patronage of the present 
coffee-house is about one thousand. No attempt is 
made to secure a profit. Everything which goes into 



236 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

the place is paid out again in food of the best quality, 
which is neatly served and in large orders. The superior 
quality and quantity of the food and the attractive con- 
ditions under which it is served have succeeded in giv- 
ing the place a very large constituency. Mr. Bailey 
himself is of the opinion that four conditions are neces- 
sary for the success of such an enterprise. First, it 
must be so placed as to compete for a large custom ; 
second, it must be run by one person, or, at most, by 
a small board of managers ; third, the philanthropic 
character must be kept out of sight ; and fourth, no 
attempt must be made to make money. Another in- 
stitution of the same kind existing in Philadelphia is 
the Star Kitchen, at first conducted in connection with 
a settlement, but now under separate management. 
Here again the object is to attract from the saloons 
by offering food of such a quantity and at such a 
price as to overcome the added attraction of liquor, 
and once more the idea of profit has been given up in 
order to make this a possibility. The dining-room is 
attractive, well lighted and ventilated, and spotlessly 
clean. There are some good pictures on the wall ; a 
fireplace and a sideboard filled with dishes give the 
place a homelike appearance. Pretty blue china and 
all needful accessories make the table service thor- 
oughly attractive. The principal waiter is a German 
who has been in the hotel business for twenty years, 
who knows the people in the neighborhood, recognizes 
them, jokes with them, and makes them feel at home. 
Thus the good food, the attractive surroundings, and, 
above all, the good service, are gradually appealing to 
the people, and compete directly with the saloon lunch ; 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 237 

but it is not at present even upon a paying basis, the 
deficit being made up from outside subscriptions. The 
Lighthouse, which has been mentioned in another con- 
nection, also offers attractive meals at cost, for the 
neighborhood. It does not run for profits, and has no 
rent to pay and no taxes, and hence it has succeeded 
in drawino' from the neiohborino^ saloons hundreds of 
men who now take their meals at a temperance res- 
taurant. 

Two other interesting and successful experiments 
have been made by the Church Temperance Society 
of New York. In both of them it will be seen that 
the idea of cash profit has been abandoned, but in 
each case the running expenses have been easily paid. 
A few years ago the liquor dealers of that city tried to 
obtain two hundred all-night licenses on the ground 
that conditions of life in a great city made such re- 
freshment as the saloon affords a necessity during the 
night hours. This suggested the propriety of estab- 
lishing temperance refreshment places to meet just 
this need, and the night lunch wagons were the result. 
These wagons cost »flOOO each, and were placed in 
locations where cheap restaurants were scarce, and 
where large numbers of men passed going to work 
very early or very late. The experiment has con- 
tinued now for ten years and has been most successful. 
The customers have come from all classes and trades, 
— hackmen, printers, laborers, clerks, messengers, and 
from the large floating population to be found on the 
street at nighttime. The average amount expended 
has been ten cents, and in 1899, from the six wagons 
in operation, 205,000 of these meals were supplied 



238 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

from January to October. The bill of fare included 
hot veal, steak and oyster pies, hot or cold beans, frank- 
forts, sandwiches, with coffee, tea, cocoa, milk, or soda 
for drinks. No endeavor was make to undersell the 
ordinary cheap restaurants. The experiment has 
proved a financial success. During the first year and 
with only one wagon, the expenses exceeded the in- 
come by nearly f 1000, but as the number of wagons 
was increased, and as they came to be better known, 
the deficit became a surplus. The other experiment is 
even more interesting. It was suggested to the offi- 
cers of the society that from November to May, when 
large numbers of entertainments were given in the city 
of New York, coachmen and cabmen necessarily waited 
for many hours during the late night or early morn- 
ing for whom the open saloon provided an attrac- 
tive shelter. To meet this, a Coachmen's Coffee Van 
was provided, supplying them with hot coffee and 
sandwiches to be paid for by the host. A second and 
more convenient van is being built which will enable 
the society to provide hot coffee gratis for motor-men 
during snowstorms and blizzards. 

Let it be accepted, then, as thorouglily demonstrated 
that so soon as the idea of profits is abandoned, a well- 
conducted lunch-room of any kind can comjjete directly 
and successfully with the saloon free lunch. This fact 
is of itself a great encouragement, and ought to stimu- 
late without any delay activity in this branch of tem- 
perance work. It will fall to churches, temperance 
organizations, and private philanthropy, that are not 
looking for a return on capital invested, to form lunch- 
room or coffee-house associations, and plant these res- 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 239 

taurants in locations where saloons are abundant and 
the saloon free lunch is drawing all the trade. An 
illustration of what may be done at any time in this 
direction was furnished a year or two ago in the city 
of Cleveland. A woman passing through one of the 
great factory districts noticed multitudes of men going 
at the noon hour into the neighboring saloons. All 
of them were advertising a hot lunch, which was 
offered free with two glasses of beer. She deter- 
mined to open a lunch-room and compete with the 
saloons for this trade. The lower floor of a double 
tenement house next door to the largest saloon was 
rented ; long wooden tables covered with white oil- 
cloth, chairs, and flags for decoration were the only 
furnishings. A sign, " The Flag Coffee House," was 
put up outside, and the next day twenty-three men 
passed the saloons and entered the new restaurant. 
The number increased until the saloons began to 
furnish a good dinner consisting of soup, meat, veg- 
etables, and pie, free with two drinks. To meet this 
move, the "Flag " advertised a "Hotel Dinner for Ten 
Cents," and the next day within five minutes after the 
factory whistle blew, every seat was filled. The patron- 
age continued to increase until standing room was at 
a premium. Men would run for a seat. Steaming 
pitchers of hot coffee, and good bread and butter were 
placed on the tables, and the men were invited to help 
themselves to any quantity. In addition, a meal was 
served consisting of a bowl of soup, one kind of meat, 
two vegetables, and a simple dessert. The conduct of 
the men was uniformly good, and in this case the run- 
ning expenses were paid, including the rent. Here, 



240 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

then, is conclusive proof of what can be clone in the 
way of saloon competition. It shows plainly that it 
is the lunch which attracts hundreds to the saloon, and 
that this patronage can be drawn away by offering an 
eating-place and a sufficient quantity of good food at 
saloon prices. 

But the most encouraging experiment that has been 
made in this direction remains to be mentioned. The 
development of the ethical side of factory management 
has been spoken of in another place, but nothing that 
the manufacturers of the country have done for their 
employees has exceeded in practical usefulness the 
provision by the company of good meals at low prices. 
By this simple means the comfort and morals of the 
men have been noticeably improved, and often saloons 
in the neighborhood have been literally forced out of 
business. In no city of the country has this beneficent 
experiment been more successfully tried than in Cleve- 
land. It began, it may be interesting to note, in the 
very section where the large coffee-house had done so 
well. The Sherwin-Williams Company was the first 
to try this plan.^ Two years ago a room was fitted up 
in their factory for this purpose. It is clean and well 
lighted and furnished with tables and chairs. An 
employee can get a hot cup of coffee free ; he can buy 
the rest of his meal at the very moderate rate of from 
six to eight cents, or he can bring his own food and eat 
it at one of the tables. Other firms have adopted a 
similar plan during the last year. The list of such 
places now includes the Cleveland Hardware Co., the 
Cleveland Twist Drill Co., the Cleveland Ship-Build- 

1 From the Cleveland report. 



LUNCH-ROOMS AND COFFEE-HOUSES. 241 

ing Co., the Cleveland Window Glass Co., the Root & 
McBride Co., and the National Wire Works. The 
chief objection that any manufacturer will urge is 
lack of space, but this problem has been solved by the 
Cleveland Hardware Co. They had no lunch-room, 
but opened a kitchen in one of their smaller unused 
buildings. Folding tables are now provided to each 
set of six or more men who apply, and these are set 
up in different corners of the factory behind machines 
and benches. These six men appoint a monitor, who 
takes the order from the other men, goes to the 
kitchen, and receives the different lunches in baskets, 
which he takes to the tables. The monitor is allowed 
to stop work five minutes before the whistle blows, 
and in this way a great rush is avoided. By this 
means about four hundi-ed men are served a day, and 
as a rule the serving is done within ten minutes after 
the whistle blows. Nothing is served free. A pint of 
coffee is given for a penny, however, and on this money 
is lost, as the finest coffee that can be found is used. 
The balance of the bill of fare is as follows: Sand- 
wiches, all kinds, two cents each ; hamburg steak, one 
slice of bread, two cents ; pork sausage, one slice of 
bread, two cents ; pork and beans, one slice of bread, 
three cents ; half-dozen . crackers and cheese, two 
cents ; pie, all kinds, three cents a slice ; tablespoon- 
f ul mashed potato, one cent ; meats, with one slice of 
bread, six cents ; puddings, three cents ; oyster soup 
(on Friday), five cents per plate ; other soups, two 
and three cents. A single illustration will show how 
all this activity has affected the saloons. A man who 
formerly spent as much as twelve dollars a fortnight 



242 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

at a near-by saloon now says he scarcely spends a 
cent. When one or two of the other large concerns in 
the vicinity adopt the same plan, the saloon will be 
obliged to leave the neighborhood. It is impossible to 
compute the good which this simple practical experi- 
ment has already accomplished. It ought to be re- 
peated by every manufacturing establishment where 
the employees are at present spending their money in 
the saloons. 

This, then, closes an examination of practical meth- 
ods of combating the saloon from the side of food and 
drink. The conditions in our American cities do not 
warrant the assertion that temperance eating and 
drinking places can successfully compete with the 
saloort as it now exists and still give a profit on the 
capital invested. On the other hand, there is every 
reason to believe that the saloon can be successfully 
met, and great good result from the establishment of 
such places by capital which does not look for a profit 
if conducted on the principles that have been sug- 
grested. 



CHAPTER X. 

ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 

No method of competing with the saloon has been 
more successful in England and on the Continent than 
that of providing coffee-houses and similar resorts. 
This movement has attained such dimensions and from 
every point of view has been so successful as to merit 
special attention in a discussion of this branch of tem- 
perance reform. In Russia, the government has un- 
dertaken the establishment of tea taverns. One of 
the most interesting exhibits at the Paris Exposition 
was that of the Russian temperance movement, aided by 
the imperial government, which aims to supplant the 
fiery vodka by less dangerous drinks, while supplying 
the need of sociability, which is the stronghold of the 
saloon everywhere. A model tea-house, just as it exists 
in numberless Russian villages, shows how the work is 
done. It is a room fitted up with a " bar " at one end 
and a counter at the other for papers and periodicals, 
with bookcases against the wall, the ever present Rus- 
sian samovar, or huge brass tea-urn, and in the middle, 
tables at which the tea or barley-brew (hviciss) may be 
drunk at leisure over a game of dominoes or checkers. 
The price of tea, sugar, the slice of lemon indispensable 
in Russia, and a kettle of boiling water is about two 
cents. In 1899 the government spent one million dol- 
lars in support of these temperance taverns. 



244 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

The temperance drinking-places provided in Norway 
and Sweden in connection with the Scandinavian 
method of controlling the saloon have been nniformly 
successful, but it is in England that the coffee-house 
movement has had the most conspicuous career and 
has exerted the widest influence. 

It is difficult to give an authoritative statement in 
regard to the history and present development of the 
English Coffee-House System, because the leaders of 
the movement have not chosen to summarize their 
operations or to issue statistics.^ The development of 
the movement has been so rapid that it has precluded 
the possibility of doing so with exactitude and authori- 
tativeness. Then, too, while there is a spirit of cordial 
cooperation between the different companies, the- work 
in the main is done with pronounced independence. 
Competition is becoming more and more sharp, so 
much so that the National Association has come to 
protest against any charitable enterprises that sell 
below cost and so drive to the wall those conducting 
commercial enterprises for financial profit. 

The first coffee-house in Great Britain was probably 
the Workingmen's Coffee House of Dundee, Scotland, 
founded in 1853, when for the first time we find a com- 
bination of reading-room and refreshment counter. 

1 The authorities for this description of the English Coffee House 
Movement are the volume of Dr. Bode of Berlin on Wirtshaus reform ; 
a paper by William Wilkinson, Esq., Secretary of the Irish Temperance 
League, originally read at the World's Temperance Congress in London 
in 1900, reprinted in the Irish Temperance League Journal for July 2, 
1900 ; papers furnished by William Peskett, manager of the Liverpool 
British Workingmen's Public House Company, Limited, and manu- 
scripts sent by H. A. Short of the Birrainghanx Coffee House Company. 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 245 

Next in chronological order comes the establishment 
of the Great Western Cooking Depot, founded by- 
Thomas Corbett in 1860. His object was to supply 
working people with good meals at from twopence to 
four and one half pence. 

Stimulated by Mr. Corbett's success, many similar 
institutions were promoted in different parts of the 
country. These establishments were the real pioneers 
of the present temperance refreshment houses which 
are so numerous throughout the country. It was in 
1869 that Mrs. Hind Smith started the British Work- 
men's Public House at Leeds. Here the idea of lec- 
tures, "Free and Easys," and debates were made a 
part of the public house scheme. This experiment was 
imitated so that in 1873 there were in addition to eight 
in Leeds, eleven at Cardiff, six at Bristol, and many in 
other cities. 

The coffee palace movement was very much on the 
same lines, but on a larger scale, one of the most exten- 
sive being the Edinburgh Castle, in the East End of 
London, in connection with Dr. Barnardo's work. 
Edinburgh Castle had long been famous as a gin 
palace when Dr. Barnardo bought it and converted it 
into a coffee palace and a people's mission church. 
On February 14, 1873, it was opened by Lord Shaftes- 
bury. Shortly afterward Dublin Castle was purchased 
and similarly transformed. 

Simultaneously with these movements Mr, Simon 
Short of Bristol successfully agitated for the establish- 
ing of cocoa-rooms. In his youth, Short was a poor 
workman who had inherited from his father a craving 
for drink. He was converted and became a sailor 



24G SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

missionary. The idea occurred to him to set up a good 
restaurant for the sailors and laborers of Bristol. He 
was supported by some good Quakers, and the result 
was a small coffee-house established in 1870, where 
coffee and cocoa could be had for fourpence a pint, 
besides good luncheons at cheap prices. Other similar 
houses were planted, always where a large company of 
laborers were engaged. " Simon Short may well be 
called the father of the cocoa-house and coffee-house 
movement." 

Another one of the early pioneers who should be 
mentioned is Mr. John Pearce, who started what has 
been known as the Gutter Hotel, which has grown into 
the wonderful establishments of Pearce & Plenty and 
the British Tea Table Company, in which upwards of 
one hundred thousand meals are served every day. 

It is well known that the name of Dwight L. Moody 
is associated with the English coffee-house movement. 
In 1875, while holding services at Liverpool, he be- 
came impressed with the needs of the dock laborers. 
A Liverpool clergyman. Rev. Charles Garrett, took up 
Mr. Moody's suggestion that temperance houses be 
furnished as a corrective to the saloon. The result 
was the establishment of the Liverpool British Work- 
men's Public House Company, Limited. Mr. Garrett 
went to Bristol to investigate Simon Short's coffee- 
houses, and when he returned brought Mr. Short 
with him. As a result, the company j)rospered and 
to-day has seventy-two establishments, which during 
the year 1896 accommodated no less than 175,320 
guests. 

In 1874 the Irish Temperance League opened their 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 247 

first coffee-stand on the streets of Belfast, and Dublin 
and Londonderry imitated their efforts with marked 
success. In Ireland at the present time the work is 
performed not by private companies, but by Temper- 
ance Leagues. 

In London the coffee-house movement was not taken 
up so readily as in the provincial towns. The work, 
when it was begun in London, was of a somewhat 
different character. Prior to 1874 cheap restaurants 
were practically unknown. Indeed, for some years 
after that time there was no place within a short dis- 
tance of the House of Commons where a cup of tea 
could be had unless on licensed premises, and then 
only by paying one shilling for tea and bread and 
butter. To-day no less than fifteen hundred persons 
are proprietors of people's restaurants, and thirty-one 
persons are owners of one or more temperance hotels. 
The most important of the restaurant companies are 
The Aerated Bread Company, Lockhart's Cocoa Rooms, 
Pearce & Plenty's Temperance Hotels, Pearce's Din- 
ing Rooms, British Tea Table Co., The Temperance 
Catering Co., Limited, The Golden Grain Co., The Ex- 
press Dairy, The Mecca, The Ossington Coffee Tavern 
Co., Slater's Restaurants, J. Lyons & Co., Johnston's 
Cocoa Rooms. All of these are purely business enter- 
prises much like Dennett's and others in America, 
although upon a much larger scale. They all pay 
profits anywhere from eight to fifteen per cent. 

The temperance hotels of London are another impor- 
tant feature of the movement. The Rowton Houses are 
the best known of these, but in addition there are at 
present twenty other temperance hotels, some of them 



248 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

hardly less palatial. In these hotels cheap meals, 
clean beds, and good reading-rooms are provided, much 
after the pattern of the Mills Hotels in New York. In 
many of the provincial cities similar institutions are 
conducted, some of them under the direction of the 
Coffee-House Company, as in Birmingham, Bradford, 
Liverpool, and Hull. One of the most famous of these 
is the Cobden Hotel of Birmingham, with its under- 
ground refreshment room and. one hundred and fifty 
guest rooms. 

There are then, in general, these three kinds of tem- 
perance refreshment houses : coffee-houses without the 
drink, restaurants without the drink, and inns without 
the drink. Some are a combination of all of these, 
some of two ; the trade is known as temperance cater- 
ing. There is a national organization wdiich publishes 
a paper called " The Temperance Caterer." 

We may form some idea of the extent of this indus- 
try from the number of these temperance houses of one 
grade or another, and from the amount of capital 
invested. Liverpool, with its 607,000 inhabitants, has 
no less than sixty-five houses of all grades, of which 
nine are large cafes and ten provide lodgings. They 
have their own bakery and aerated water manufactory. 
The capital is £55,000, £40,000 of which is in £1 
shares. The patronage amounts to 30,000 daily, and 
the company gives employment to nearly 500 persons. 
The declared dividend has seldom been less than ten 
per cent. In Manchester, 380,000 inhabitants, the 
work is carried on by Mr. Frank Short. Here there 
are fifteen establishments, one of them a new and large 
hotel. Besides the Tavern Company, there is a "Ware- 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 249 

liousemen and Clerks' Cafe, and other smaller compa- 
nies. In Bradford, 235,000 inhabitants, the Coffee 
Tavern Company, with Mr. Joseph Bentley at its head, 
conducts thirty -four houses, and possesses in addition a 
mineral water factory, a bakery, a butcher-shop, and a 
laundry. The company employs 220 persons. Here 
the capital is about X32,000, of which £20,000 are in 
shares. The dividend in the last few years has been 
at five per cent. The Bradford Company, in addition 
to the regular trade of the coffee-houses, caters for 
family gatherings and public occasions, often at a dis- 
tance from Bradford. In Birmingham, there is a large 
company which controls eighteen restaurants, two 
hotels, a mineral water factory, and a bakery. The 
company pays twelve and a half per cent. From the 
following list some idea of the trade in other English 
cities may be obtained.^ 

Leicester, 12 houses, 4 per cent (6 per cent 1897) ; 
Lincoln, 1 house, 7| per cent ; Hull, 19 houses, 10 
per cent ; Great Grimsby, 5 houses ; Northampton, 3 
houses ; Wellingborough, 5 houses ; Shrewsbury, 4 
houses; Wolverhampton, 13 houses; Southampton, 4 
houses ; Ashton-under-Lyne, 4 houses ; Bury, 4 houses, 
15 per cent ; Rochdale, 7 houses ; Stalybridge, 5 
houses ; Derby, 5 houses, 6 per cent ; Sunderland, 10 
houses; York, 3 houses, 12^ per cent; Halifax, 8 
houses, 10 per cent. 

It would be a mistake to imagine that all of these 

houses are large and well appointed. The criticisms 

which are constantly being made in the English papers 

almost invariably speak of the dinginess of many of the 

^ W. Bode, Wirtshausreform, p. 23. 



250 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

temperance bouses. All that their promoters claim is 
that, " taking them house for house, temperance estab- 
lishments will compare most favorably for cleanliness, 
comfort, good order and moderate charges with licensed 
houses situated in similar localities." 

The interior furnishings are usually in light-colored 
woods ; often colored glass is used, and flowers are not 
an unusual ornament. A small cafe in Bradford spent 
<£600 in interior furnishings. The comfort of the guest 
is looked after. A smoking-room is always provided, 
and often a billiard-room as well if space will permit. 
The York Company takes in yearly X90 from its billiard 
tables alone. The Liverpool Company does not permit 
billiards in any of its houses and has not felt the need of 
this attraction. Other amusements like draughts, domi- 
noes, and chess are found, and are very popular. Cards 
are generally excluded. The reading-room is a great 
feature in nearly all of the houses. The London and 
local dailies and often popular magazines are to be 
found. The Liverpool Company expends over ^£400, 
and the Bradford Company £180 yearly for papers. 
Sometimes coffee concerts are given, admittance to 
which, with coffee or tea, is two, four, or six pence, ac- 
cording to seats. Better still, these coffee-houses do 
the work which American saloons often perform at pre- 
sent of offering accommodation to the fraternal and 
secret societies, many of which meet each week in the 
different branches of the coffee-house companies. The 
Liverpool Company has been particularly successful in 
this respect. 

A feature of nearly all the refreshment houses, with- 
out respect to grade, is the service. The food or drink 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 251 

is almost always quickly and neatly served. Waitresses 
are employed, and the girls receive sums varying from 
13 shillings a week to XI. No tips are allowed. 
Changes are frequent, but there is no difficulty in fill- 
ing the places. The Sunday closing rule of the temper- 
ance houses has sometimes been criticised, but it is the 
belief of the leaders of the movement that Sunday 
should be a family day, and they do not care to compete 
with the public houses in this respect. During the week 
days, every effort is made to meet the convenience of the 
workingmen, and some of the houses are open continu- 
ously from five in the morning until eleven at night. 

Although the refreshment houses are known as coffee- 
houses, tea is the common beverage and is consumed in 
large quantities. Coffee comes next, and then cocoa, 
the consumption of which seems to be on the increase. 
Soft drinks, such as lemonade, and ginger ale, have a 
large sale in some places, but in others are not much 
in demand. In Liverpool, for example, there is little 
call for them, but in Bradford and Birmingham the 
trade is so large that the companies operate their own 
mineral water manufactory. In addition much atten- 
tion has been given to the preparation of non-intoxicat- 
ing beverages containing a small percentage of alcohol. 
Some of these so-called temperance drinks are undoubt- 
edly intoxicating, the difficulty being to keep the per 
cent of alcohol below the required percentage. The 
Brewers' Journal in 1895 asserted that the results of 
forty tests had shown that on an average these drinks 
contained no less than four and eight tenths per cent 
of alcohol, and " Science Siftings " declared that total 
abstinence patrons of so-called non-alcoholic drinks 



252 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

eventually consume as much alcohol as moderate drink- 
ers. "The Temperance Caterer," IStli of March, 1895, 
declared against many of these drinks, asserting that 
there were enough beverages that contain only one to 
two per cent of alcohol to leave no excuse for the sale 
of others by temperance houses. Kop's Ale and Kop's 
Stout are favorite drinks for abstainers. Other English 
beers are so strong that these are doubtless temperance 
drinks, although they are hardly more so than a soft 
fresh-brewed beer. However it is not true that these 
drinks play a large part in the English temperance 
house movement. The success of the houses seems to 
be wholly independent of them. They are useful 
chiefly for confirmed drinkers, who crave something 
stronger than tea or lemonade. Mr. Bentley at Brad- 
ford is constantly experimenting in new drinks which 
are finding a large sale. 

At first not so much attention was given to the pro- 
vision of food as of drink, but of late this feature of 
the coffee-houses has been very prominent, and now in 
nearly all of them clean and suitable food can be ob- 
tained at very low prices. The amount of the pati'on- 
age of some of the companies may be estimated from 
the fact that they operate their own bakeries, the Liver- 
pool Compau}'" employing fifty hands day and night. 
The consumption of meat is always large. Provision 
is made for laborers who choose to bring their own 
luncheons. They can go to the coffee-houses, spend a 
halfpenny on a cup of tea, coffee, or cocoa, and eat their 
dinners in comfort. Of course there is a great variety 
in the matter of the provision of food. Lockhart's, for 
example, in London, represents the class of houses 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 253 

where very cheap and simple tariffs prevail, a halfpenny 
mug of hot cocoa, tea, or coffee being the most popu- 
lar item. Other places, like the A. B. C. of London 
and the B. T. T. (British Tea Table), do a superior 
kind of catering. In general, it may be said that the 
provision of cheap cooked dinners is a growing part of 
the work. 

An idea of the prices charged for both drink and 
food may be gathered from the following tables : ^ — 

I. DRINK. 

Class A. Workingmen's Refreshment Houses. 
Tea, Id. to 2d. 
Coffee and cocoa, the same. 
Milk, Id. 

Lemonade in bottles, Id. 
Ginger ale, Id. 
Ginger beer. Id. 

Class B. For Clerks, etc. 

Tea, l^d,, 3d., or 6d., according to amount. 

Coffee, l^d. to 6d. 

Chocolate, 2 id. 

Glass of milk, Id. 

Soda water, 2d. 

Bouillon, 2d. to 4d. 

Class C. Highest Grade Houses and Hotels. 

Tea, 2d. to 3d. 

Coffee and chocolate, the same. 

Milk, 1 Id. 

Eggs and milk, 3kl. 

^ W. Bode, Wirtskausreform, p. 26. 



254 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Slater's iisr London offers in addition: 

Russian tea, 2d. 

Cadbuiy's cocoa, 2d. 

Coffee, 3d. 

Lime juice and soda water, 2d. to 3d. 

Anti-Burton Bitter Ale or Stout, 2d. 

Soda water, 2d. 

11. FOOD. 

Class A. Workingmen's Refreshment Houses. 

Bread and butter, Id. 
Cakes, pies, or puddings, Id. 
Warm beef, 4d., 5d., and 6d. 
Beefsteak pudding, 4d. 
Beefsteak, 5d. 
Ham, 2d., 3d., and 4d. 
Corned beef, 2d. 
Sausage, 2d. 
Pickles, ^d. 
Vegetables, Id. 

The amount of meat is always large ; the Bradford Com- 
pany boasts of its 6d. dinner : Soup, Id. ; herring, l^d. ; 
beef and potatoes, 2d. ; pudding, Id. ; bread and butter, ^d. 

Class B. For Clerks, etc. 
Bread and butter, 2d. 
Poached eggs, 5d. 
Cold beef, 3d. 
Ham, 3d. 
Tongue, 4d. 
Chicken, 3d. to 7d. 
Ham sandwiches, 4d. to 7d. 
Mock turtle or ox-tail soup, 2d. to 7d. 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 255 

Warm steak pies, 2d. 
Fish, 6d. 
Cheese, Id. 
Custards, Id. to 2d. 

Class C. Highest Grade Houses and Hotels. 

Beef, 6d. 

Ham or tongue, 4d. 
Steak pies, 3d. to 4d. 
Sausages, 3d. 
Bread and butter, 2d. 
Sandwiches, 3d. to 6d. 
Eggs, 2d., etc. 

Some of the causes of the success of this English 
experiment are the following : — 

1. The great need of some substitute for the public 
house. We have seen how prior to 1874 the field was 
unrecognized, the cheap restaurant being practically 
unknown. 

2. The sound financial footing upon which the experi- 
ment was based from the first. " These establishments 
have been owned and worked by joint stock companies 
with liability, the shares, usually of the value of one 
pound, being bought and sold like any other stock. 
These shares have always been in demand, explained 
by the fact that dividends have been steadily paid for 
years past. The shares of nearly all the concerns are 
sought after by the investing public with confidence." ^ 

3. The absence of any religious and benevolent 
aspect of the enterprise. The association is not con- 
nected with any temperance party, the abstainer being 
merged in the general public. 

^ Quotation from Mr. H. A. Short's letter. 



256 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

4. Effective business management, the economic pur- 
chase and preparation of food and drink. This is seen 
in the control of the houses, and in the effort to meet 
at all points the demand of the public. Full freedom 
is exercised by the houses in any one locality, the only 
universal rule being the exclusion of intoxicants. 

5. The English fondness for tea and coffee and 
meats, which makes the problem of providing temper- 
ance refreshments simpler than it might be elsewhere. 

The results of the English experiment have been 
most beneficent. Intemperance still prevails to a fright- 
ful extent in English cities, but it can safely be claimed 
that conditions are not so bad as they otherwise would 
be, that the people are more sober and thrifty. The 
total abstinence movement in England is educating a 
larger and larger number of young people to refrain 
altogether from the use of intoxicants. The temper- 
ance refreshment houses are to play in the future an 
even more important part in the social life of England 
than they do at present, and to-day the reproach has 
been removed from many of the most important Eng- 
lish cities that only the drink-shops are open for the 
peojDle's refreshment. 

To the questioner who asks why may not this bene- 
ficent movement be duplicated in America, several 
considerations present themselves. For one thing, 
the cheap restaurants are already performing in pai't 
the work of the English coffee-houses. In England, the 
cheap restaurant and the temperance house movement 
have been combined from the beginning. In America, 
the former began an independent existence, and has 
been accomplishing much good without being nominally 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 257 

a temperance agency. A coffee-house in America 
to-day competes not only with the saloon, but with 
these restaurants. Again, the English fondness for 
tea and coffee makes possible a large consumption and 
considerable profit. The free lunch competition is not 
felt in England, and it is precisely the free lunch which 
so complicates the problem in America. As far as the 
temperance hotels are concerned, it has already been 
demonstrated that these American houses can be as 
successful as their English models, and the near future 
will probably see all American cities provided with 
lodgings after the Mills Hotel pattern. Finally, it is 
yet to be proved that an establishment after the best 
of the English types cannot be conducted so as to yield 
a profit. 

The attempt was made a year or two ago by the 
Church Temperance Society of New York, which estab- 
lished its Squirrel Inn on the Bowery. Unfortunately, 
the Tammany building inspector refused to permit the 
society to have lodgings in the building, and without 
these the inn has not been able to meet expenses. If 
the experiment could be made under right conditions, 
it is probable that financially it would be successful. 

Attention has been called to a conclusion to which 
many interested in temperance reform have slowly been 
tending, that the hope of j^rohibition must be dismissed, 
and the effort be made to sell liquor under right condi- 
tions. The methods of state and governmental control 
have already been described. But in England prac- 
tically the same plan has been followed by individuals 
who, without waiting for further legislation, have applied 



258 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

for licenses, and have retailed liquors in such a way as 
to avoid excesses while satisfying the demand for intoxi- 
cants. A description of this interesting experiment is 
contributed by Professor Francis G. Peabody : — 

Certain large industrial undertakings in England, 
in the interest of their own employees, have taken into 
their hands the control of the drink traffic, and have 
devoted themselves to checking excess and encouraging 
other forms of recreation. One of the most notable 
instances of such industrial monopoly is the village 
of Elan, in Wales. This is a temporary settlement 
constructed for the " navvies " employed in building 
the aqueduct of Birmingham. More than a thousand 
workmen are housed at this isolated spot, which is 
reached by a bridge across a stream, where an official 
watches for smuggled liquor. The company maintains 
both a place of sale and a place of refreshment. In 
the place of sale beer may be bought, but may not be 
drunk. Sales are forbidden to minors or to non-resi- 
dents, and the amount which may be bought by one 
purchaser is limited. In the place of refreshment the 
hours of opening are from noon to two, and from half 
past five till nine o'clock (Saturdays from one to nine 
o'clock), with no Sunday opening. No women and no 
boys under eighteen years are admitted. The regula- 
tions prohibit cards and games of chance, and demand 
good order. The manager gets no personal profit from 
increasing sales, but loses his position if the discipline 
of the canteen is relaxed. Profits of the business are 
applied by the company to maintain a reading-room, 
a library, a gymnasium, a hall for entertainment, a 
school, and a hospital. 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 259 

" Individually," wrote the secretary of the Birming- 
ham Water Department in 1895, "I am a total 
abstainer, but I am perfectly certain that we are serv- 
ing the interests of temperance far better in providing 
wholesome liquor under proper regulations than we 
should be did we attempt to prohibit the traffic alto- 
gether, leaving it to be conducted in the usual way by 
persons interested in encouraging the sale, or driving 
the men to illicit practices to obtain supplies." ^ 

A more considerable attempt to apply the Scandi- 
navian principle without legislative authority was begun 
in 1897 by the Bishop of Chester and others. This 
group of influential persons, having failed to obtain 
legislation permitting the formation of a company 
system, proceeded to organize the " People's Refresh- 
ment House Association." The aim of this associa- 
tion is to permit public house reform independently 
of further legislation, by giving facilities for the wider 
adoption of the system of management without private 
profits. With this object it seeks to lease existing 
public houses, to acquire new licenses at places where 
the growth of the population obliges the licensing 
magistrates to create new ones, and to establish can- 
teens and refreshment bars where required at large 
public works, at collieries, and elsewhere. In each 
house a carefully chosen manager is placed. The 
salient features of the system introduced into the public 
houses managed by the association are as follows : — 

(a) In order to remove all temptation to the manager 

^ The Canteen at Elan Village, published for the People's Refresh- 
ment House Association, 1899. W. Bode, Wirtshausreform, p. 52 £F., 
with illustrations. 



260 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

to push the sale of intoxicants, he is paid a fixed salary, 
and is allowed no profit whatever on the sale of alco- 
holic drinks. 

(6) On the other hand, to make it to his interest to 
sell non-intoxicants, in preference to beer and spirits, 
he is allowed a profit on all trade in food and non-alco- 
holics. 

(c) To enable the customer to get tea, coffee, tem- 
perance drinks or light refreshments just as easily as 
beer or spirits, these are made readily accessible at the 
bars, and are served promptly. In this way the beer 
and spirit trade is deposed from the objectionable pro- 
minence into which, from motives of profit, it is pushed 
in the ordinary public house, the aim of the associ- 
ation being to maintain the house in a general sense 
as a public house, but to conduct the trade on the lines 
of a respectable house of refreshment at popular prices, 
instead of those of a mere drinking bar. 

(f?) To guard against the evils of bad liquor great 
care is taken that everything supplied is of the best 
quality. 

The capital which is from time to time wanted to 
carry on the society's increasing business, is offered 
for subscription to the public in the form of shares 
entitled to a dividend out of profits at a rate not ex- 
ceeding five per cent per annum, after payment of 
which, and making provision for a reserve fund, the 
surplus profit is devoted to objects of public utility, 
local or general, as the jsresident and vice-presidents 
in consultation with the council may determine. 

This scheme of moderate reform, therefore, accepts 
the situation which exists in many parts of Great 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 261 

Britain, and instead of protesting against the public 
house attempts to reduce its evils. Many leaders of 
public opinion participate in the undertaking. The 
vice-presidents of the association for 1899 include the 
Earl of Stamford, the Bishop of Rochester, Lord 
Chelmsford, and Cardinal Vaughan, and among its 
adherents are seven other bishops, the Duke of Bed- 
ford, Earl Grey, Lord Tennyson, and many others. 
The operations of this association began in 1897, with 
a single inn in the village of Sparkford in Somerset. 
In 1899 seven, and in June, 1900, twelve public houses 
were under its control. The net profit of business in 
1899 was X281, of which there were 

Placed in reserve fund £35.29 

Dividend on stock at 5 per cent 76 

Distributed for objects of public relief . . . 112 

Carried on 58 

£281.29 

The administration of these resorts is regulated by 
instructions to managers of which the following are 
illustrations : — 

" The manager placed in charge of a public house 
belonging to the association must bear in mind that 
he has been appointed by the council to conduct the 
management on certain fixed principles. These princi- 
jjles are : — 

" 1. That the general arrangement and management 
of the house shall be on the lines of a house of refresh- 
ment, instead of a mere drinking bar. 

" 2. That food and a variety of non-intoxicants shall 
be as easily accessible to customers as beer and spirits. 



262 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

" 3. That the licensing laws enacted by Parliament 
for the regulation of public houses and the promotion 
of temperance shall be most strictly carried out in 
every particular. 

" 4. That a holder of a license is in a sense a servant 
of the public, and that he must study the comfort, 
well-being, and health of his customers ; that his house 
must therefore be scrupulously clean, and that the 
rooms most used by the public must be comforta- 
bly arranged, well warmed in winter, and well venti- 
lated. 

" 5. Special attention is to be given to the making of 
tea, coffee, and cocoa, so as to make them as attractive 
and palatable as possible. Tea must always be freshly 
made for every customer. 

" 6. Those light refreshments in the way of food 
best suited to the tastes of the customers frequenting 
the house, such, perhaps, as biscuits, cakes, hard-boiled 
eggs, meat sandwiches, bread and cheese and sausages, 
should be conspicuous in the bar, and arranged appe- 
tizingly to attract custom." 

The sale of food and non-intoxicating beverages is a 
source of profit to the manager, and on sales of aerated 
water he receives one quarter of the profit. Each man- 
ager is provided with pamphlets of " hints for encour- 
aging the sale of non-intoxicants and food," some of 
which ai'e as follows : — 

" Of course you must keep the usual stock of aerated 
waters, tea, coffee, cocoa, cheese, biscuits, butter, jam, 
and so on, like any common public house ; but as we 
want to encourage the consumption of non-intoxicants 
and food more than is done usually in public houses. 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 263 

look through the following list, and make a selection 
of those things most likely to be appreciated by your 
customers, and get in a stock, only a small stock to 
start with, until you find how they sell. 

NON-INTOXICANTS. 

Ginger Ale. 

Hop Ale or Bitter. 

Kop's Ale. 

Lime Juice (Crosse & Blackwell's is best). 

Lemon Squash (Crosse & Blackwell's). 

Still Lemonade. 

Bovril or Fluid Beef. 

Milk, plain. 

Soda and milk. 

Syrups (with hot water they make a good winter drink). 

LIGHT REFRESHMENTS. 

Bacon or ham. 

Eggs, plain boiled. 

Hard-boiled eggs (served cold in the shell on a plate with 
salt). 

Poached eggs on toast (anchovy or bloater paste on the 
toast is very good). 

Fried eggs, plain or with ham or bacon. 

Fried or poached eggs on tomatoes (cut the tomatoes in 
halves and fry. Canned tomatoes do very well). 

Sandwiches, meat or ham, or with potted meat, or eggs 
hard-boiled and cut in slices. 

Potted meats (served with bread). 

Corned beef (makes good sandwiches). 

Tongue. 

Sausages (hot or cold). 

Sausage rolls. 



2G4 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Pork pies. 

Bloater or herring, fried. 

Soused mackerel (cooked in vinegar). 

Salmon, canned, served with vinegar. 

Sardines. 

German sausage. 

Cake to sell by the slice. 

Buns or cakes. 

Biscuits in variety. 

Salad, lettuce or radish. 

Soups (can now be l^ought in packets ; easily made). 

" If you have a suitable shelf or counter make as 
good a show as you can of your non-intoxicants and 
food : it will pay you to do so. Keep a well-arranged 
assortment of show cards about, and change them from 
time to time and according to season." 

Important as has been the support of this scheme in 
England, it has been, of course, a subject of severe and 
sometimes of bitter criticism. In particular should be 
mentioned the comments of a recent volume of most 
painstaking and intelligent inquiry which, while warmly 
commending the general intention of the People's Re- 
freshment House Association, takes issue with its 
method in one detail.^ " With the main principle," 
it remarks, " underlying the Bishop of Chester's pro- 
posal, namely, the elimination of private profit, there 
can be nothing but cordial agreement ; . . . but the 
practical proposal for associating recreation with the 
sale of intoxicants is . . . calculated to hinder rather 
than to facilitate the object it seems to maintain." The 

1 Rowntree and Sherwell, The Temperance Problem and Social Be- 
form, 1899, p. 3S9 ff. 



ENGLISH TEMPERANCE HOUSES. 265 

authors of this important book accept, therefore, as the 
solution of the drink problem the municipal or corpo- 
rate monopoly of the traffic together with the detach- 
ment of the sale of liquor — as in Bergen — from all 
recreative elements, and the application of profits, as 
in Norway, to forms of popvilar amusement and instruc- 
tion which tend to counteract the drink habit. It is 
very interesting to observe how nearly this last proposal 
of competent inquirers coincides with the Bishop of 
Chester's scheme. Indeed, it can hardly be said that 
there is any radical hostility between the two proposals. 
Either plan has obvious difficulties. On the one hand, 
there is the social risk of i^estoring the drink traffic to 
respectability and of failing to check the flow of popu- 
lation toward the saloon ; on the other hand, there is 
the practical risk which comes of vesting an extremely 
valuable monopoly in the hands of town councils or char- 
tered companies. The Bishop of Chester's scheme is 
highly individualized, and is in the way of being devel- 
oped so as to avoid the perils of any wholesale or pre- 
cipitate movement. The public house under this 
system should not be reestablished as the social club of 
the community, but should be utilized to establish social 
resorts of a more elevating character within the commu- 
nity. The canteen at Elan illustrates this use of monop- 
oly. The Bishop of Chester's scheme begins in a small 
way, and does not call for any legislative revolution. 
It deals with a community just as it is, and proceeds 
to that degree of prohibition or counter-attraction which 
the case permits. In short, it is a halfway measure 
which dismisses the idea of immediately abolishing the 
saloon in a community thoroughly wonted to its use, 



266 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

and anticipates that partial reform may open the way 
to greater changes. 

As has been ah-eady stated, no scheme of this nature 
can have any interest for those who without discrimina- 
tion or practical intention cast an unavailing vote for 
prohibition, and then regard their duty to temperance 
as fulfilled. There are those, however, who remain dis- 
satisfied with sentimental protests, and who are ready 
to use such partial and preparatory reforms as are open 
to them, cherishing the hope that a moderate change 
of sentiment prudently directed may lead to radical re- 
form. If they cannot abolish the traffic, they will be 
glad to have it diminished. If they cannot stop expendi- 
ture for liquor, they will direct that expenditure from 
ways of personal p'ofit to ways of public utility. If 
the saloon must exist, they will try to have it managed 
so that the taste for strong liquor will be discouraged, 
and the taste for harmless drink and nutritive food will 
be stimulated. Liquor dealers are, for the most part, 
completely indifferent to the violent oratory and inef- 
fective vote of those who give themselves to the impos- 
sible task of abolishing the drink habit. They are 
keenly observant of any practicable plan which looks 
to the removal of the traffic from the sphere of private 
profit and tends to make the saloon itself an agent of 
temperance. 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 

A FREQUENT objection is heard, whenever clubs and 
amusements for the working people are discussed, that 
there is more harm than good in all these, that they 
must tend to the disintegration of the home. A few 
years ago, when a movement for working people's clubs 
in New York was contemplated, energetic statements 
appeared in the press to the effect that all such clubs 
were beside the mark ; that if a few dollars were spent 
upon each of ten thousand homes of the poor, the results 
would be better than if the same amount were spent 
upon any single charitable clubhouse. The two points 
of view do not stand in opposition. True, the home is 
of first importance. But it will probably be found that 
a wise provision of other substitutes will have a favor- 
able influence upon the home. As Mr. Riis has 
pointed out,^ " the higher standards now set up on 
every hand, in the cleaner streets, in the better schools, 
in the parks and clubs, in the settlements, and in the 
thousand and one agencies for good that touch and 
help the lives of the poor at as many points, will tell at 
no distant day, and react upon the liome and upon its 
builders." It was a realization of this truth which led 
the New York Tenement House Committee of 1894 to 
include in its recommendations the establishment of 
1 A Ten Years' War, p. 21. 



268 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

small parks for the East Side of New York, for suita- 
ble playgrounds in connection with the public schools, 
and for recreation piers. Sanitary laws and building 
codes will not do the whole work. The home is built 
from within, not from without. A standard must be 
set, and this standard is set by all substitutes that are 
conceived in the right spirit. A man who is careful 
of his habits in his clean clubroom, will think more of 
being careful in his own home. The members of work- 
ing girls' clubs will appreciate the necessity of tidy 
homes, and will know how to make them so on little 
means. The sight of flowers, books, and pictures will 
create a demand for them in the home. Social agencies 
of the right kind are not substitutes for the home, but 
creators of ideals which, when they are perceived and 
become operative, will themselves help to make the 
home what it ought to be. 

But all this cannot happen until the home has be- 
come at least inhabitable, until the elementary demand 
for sanitation, privacy, air, and space is made possible. 
The first stej), then, in providing for the home life of 
the wage-earners of America is to find them homes to 
live in which are sufficiently large for those who occupy 
them, which admit the sun for at least a part of the 
day, have some clean court or space or yard for the 
children to play and the older ones to breathe in, and 
make some adequate provision for bathing and sanitary 
conveniences. 

In the majority of our cities ^ the tenement house 

^ Housing Conditions and Tenement Laws in Leading American Cit- 
ies, a special report of the New York Tenement House Commission, 
prepared by Lawrence Veiller, Secretary. 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 269 

problem is unknown. In most of them, too, the hous- 
ing problem has not yet become acute, the evils of 
overcrowding have not become felt. The working peo- 
ple live in small wooden houses, one or two stories in 
height, containing anywhere from three to eight rooms. 
For the most part only one family lives in a house, 
rarely more than three families in a two-stoi'y dwelling. 
Often these houses are owned by their occupants, and 
when a rental is paid, it is not out of proportion to the 
average wage. As a rule, these houses are not set too 
close together, and some space at least is left in front 
of the buildings. This is true even in the largest cities. 
In Philadelphia, for example, there are no tenement 
houses. The great majority of the working people, 
even the very poor people, have homes of their own, in 
most cases with land around them. " The experience 
of Philadelphia offers ample evidence that a system of 
tall tenement houses is unnecessaiy in any of ovir large 
cities." The experience of other cities leads to the 
same conclusion. It has been estimated that not over 
five per cent of all the houses in Cleveland are occu- 
pied by more than one family ; that not over fifty large 
tenement buildings are to be found in the entire city of 
Buffalo. In the very worst portion of Baltimore not 
more than one thousand families could be found living 
in houses containing more than three families. In San 
Francisco, New Orleans, Denver, St. Paul, and INIinne- 
apolis and even Chicago, tenement houses are practi- 
cally unknown. 

But because the evils of the tenement house system 
and of overcrowding are not felt, it does not follow by 
any means that the homes of the working people are 



270 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOOX. 

all that tliey should or may be. All that this means is 
that the essential conditions for an adequate home en- 
vironment are present ; it does not mean that the right 
kind of a home has been even imperfectly realized. 
Cleanliness is often at a discount, even when external 
conditions are favorable, and bathing facilities are 
never equal to the necessities of a working people's 
neighborhood. One has only to compare the tidy, plea- 
sant looking homes of some factory employees, or the 
cottages of building associations, with the dirty, 
squalid wooden buildings, acres of which meet the eye 
in almost any city, to see how great is the need that still 
remains. The municipality might do much by a syste- 
matic improvement of adjacent property ; land owners 
and landlords might do more if human sympathy were 
added to an eye for business; and neighborhood asso- 
ciations, friendly visitors, church guilds and other 
benevolent agencies might do, are already doing, much 
to impart some elementary knowledge of sanitation and 
hygiene, to create ideals and demands which, sooner or 
later, must be made visible in the homes of the poor. 
This is said in order to impress the truth that the real 
problem of an adequate home life only begins when the 
tenement house problem and the problem of overcrowd- 
ing have been solved. 

But in some of our cities even the elementary obsta- 
cles to good homes have yet to be overcome. Over- 
crowding is plainly visible in some cities where the ten- 
ement house is unknown. It is visible in New Orleans, 
where, in some of the old dwellings formerly occupied 
by wealthy people, many poor families are too often 
crowded ; it is j)lainly visible in Pittsburg, where in 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORiaNG PEOPLE. 271 

certain sections overcrowding is growing worse day by 
day. In Chicago, the rear tenement prevails, and the 
cellar dwellings, the dilapidated wooden houses, and 
the overcrowding of building lots have created a pro- 
blem of no mean proportions. Cincinnati is worse off 
than Chicago, and Boston than Cincinnati. As far as 
can be ascertained, the majority of the working people 
in Cincinnati live in tenements arranged for more than 
three families each, a considerable number of them 
living in large brick tenement houses. Only a small 
number of the working people live in separate houses. 
" One of the worst tenements in Cincinnati is the noto- 
rious building known as ' Rat Row,^ the rear of the 
building being located on the river front, and the char- 
acter of the tenants being of the very worst. The 
building contains over one hundred rooms, occupied 
chiefly by Negroes and low whites, and is continually 
under police and sanitary surveillance. Up to the pre- 
sent time little has been done to remedy the bad hous- 
ing conditions." 

Boston is said, after New York, to have the worst 
tenement house conditions of any American city. 
Until recently it tolerated the old wooden tenement 
house of the poorest type. Every one remembers the 
rookeries on Lincoln Street which resisted until the 
very last the advance of trade. Others of the kind still 
exist in the North and West ends, fronting on narrow 
alleys, crowded with many foreign families. The 
number of these buildings, however, is being constantly 
decreased, and those which are taking their places are 
of a much better type. Those that do exist are not so 
bad by far as the New York tenements in that they 



272 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

are not so high, do not cover so much of the gToimcl, 
and do not harbor so many people. Aside from the 
tenements, however, the housing conditions are often 
very poor.^ Thus in the South End, where large tene- 
ment buildings do not exist, the working people live 
under conditions detrimental alike to their health and 
to their morals. There is not sufficient space. The 
sanitary ari'augements are poor. There are no bathing 
facilities, and occasionally a house intended for the 
occupation of one family contains from four to eight. 
Of late years considerable effort has been put forth, 
especially under the auspices of the Twentieth Century 
Club, to improve these housing conditions. That an 
improvement was imperative, the figures of the Tene- 
ment House Census of 1891-92 plaiuly proved. It 
was shown that " fully one fourth of the tenement house 
population of the (South End) district live under spe- 
cially objectionable sanitary conditions." 

New York City stands in a class by itself. A study 
of New York's tenement house problem shows that 
there is practically no limit to the mischief which 
cupidity and neglect can accomplish when they are 
left to travel hand in hand. In 1834 and again in 
1842, while many of our great Western cities were 
forests or swamps, attention was called to the evils of 
overcrowding and of bad housing conditions in New 
York. But nothing was done. Dr. Griscom, the 
head inspector, who made the report in 1842, found 
that there were then 1459 cellars being used as resi- 
dences by 7196 persons. The number of victims of 
consumption among those living in incessant dampness 
1 The City Wilderness, pp. 63-70. 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 273 

was found to be very great. He recogwized also the 
evils of overcrowding, and estimated that as many as 
6618 different families were living in courts or rear 
buildings. He pointed out at that early day the grave 
moral evils resulting from overcrowding, and urged the 
city legislature to take action.^ If action had been 
taken, Manhattan Island would not be to-day the worst 
place in America, if not in the world, for laboring 
people to live.^ When the first legislative commission 
was appointed in 1856, it was given seven days to 
make its report. When its members asked for a 
further extension of time, it was denied them, and 
when they spent all summer, at their own expense, in 
preparing a report, which for thoroughness and far- 
sightedness has never been excelled, the legislature 
failed to adopt their suggestions. One of the sugges- 
tions of 1856 would have settled the whole problem. 
It has just been urged again, in the Report of the 
Commission of 1900. This suggestion is that a perma- 
nent Tenement House Commission be created, which 
shall have the power to visit, enter, and inspect any 
tenement house ; if it is in improper condition, to direct 
the owner to repair it within a specified time ; and if 
it is decreed untenantable, to forbid it to be occupied 
and to have it destroyed. If this measure had been 
passed in 1856, New York would have been spared 
thousands of lives and millions of dollars. The rest of 
the history of commissions and their reports is one story 

1 Annual Report of the Interments in the City and County of New 
York, for the year 1842, by John H. Griscom, M. D. 

2 Tenement House Reform in New York, 1834-1900, by Lawrence 
Veiller. 



274 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

of legislative evasion, halfway measures, and double 
dealing. 

The results are well known. In 1857 the commis- 
sion discovered twelve families residing in one building, 
some of them occupying one close unventilated apart- 
ment, persons of both sexes huddled indiscriminately 
together. The overcrowding increased steadily year 
by year.^ " In 1880 the average number of persons to 
each dwelling in New York was 16.37 ; in 1890 it was 
18.52 ; in 1895, according to the Police Census, 21.2." 
In 1880 the East Side, the most crowded section in the 
world, contained 432.3 persons to the acre. In 1890 
there were 522 to the acre, and in 1895, 643.08. The 
block between Sixty-first and Sixty-second streets, 
Tenth and Eleventh avenues,, contains 3580 people or 
974.6 to the acre. Year by year the great tenement 
houses, with their deadly air-shafts, have gone steadily 
up, standing so close to one another that sunshine 
and pure air are shut out from the majority of the 
rooms, and into them families have been crowded 
together under conditions utterly subversive of all phy- 
sical and moral well-being. In a typical tenement, Mr. 
Kiis counted forty-three families where there should 
have been sixteen. 

The most discouraging feature of the whole story is 
the discovery that those who have meant to better the con- 
ditions have more than once succeeded only in making 
them worse. It was the " model tenement " which the 
Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor 
erected on Mott Street that later became one of the 
worst tenement houses in the city. It was the " prize 

1 A Ten Years^ War, p. 34. 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 275 

plan " of the Tenement House Competition of 1879 
which produced the " double-decker dumb-bell tene- 
ments " which are so much worse than the old ones. 
The whole history of tenement house reform in New 
York shows how hard it is to get out of such a trouble, 
when once involved in it. 

The economic and moral results of bad housing have, 
in all these years, been made increasingly clear. It 
has become apparent, for one thing, that there is a 
direct loss in economic efficiency. Sir James Paget, 
the distinguished physician, estimates that the surely 
preventable loss inflicted upon English wage-earners 
amounts to fully fifteen millions of dollars annually. 
Some years ago the Board of Health in London insti- 
tuted an inquiry to see how much time was lost from 
work among the people of the East Side, not by sick- 
ness, but by exhaustion and inability to work. " It 
was found that upon the lowest average every work- 
man or workwoman lost about twenty days in the year 
from simple exhaustion." ^ There can be no doubt 
that the same results would be found to be true in 
New York during all these years. Yet this is only the 
beginning of a terrible story of human wreckage and 
waste. 

As for the mortality in these New York tenement 
districts, let the figures tell the story.^ At a time when 
the general death rate was 24.63, the rate in ninety- 
four tenements was 62.9. When some of the worst of 
these tenements had been cleared away, the death rate 
of New York came down from 26.32 in 1887 to 19.53 

^ The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, p. 326. 
2 A Ten Years' War, pp. 71, 77, 79. 



276 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

in 1897. The infant mortality in the tenements, as 
might be expected, is appalling. The Tenement House 
Committee has rightly called the rear tenements 
" slaughter houses," for there more than one babe in 
every five born is condemned to death. The exact 
figures are 204.54. And while the general infant 
death rate for the whole tenement house population in 
1888 was 88.38, the rate for the Mott Street Barracks 
was actually 325 per 1000. 

When people are herded together without any possi- 
bility of privacy as they are in the tenements, the 
moral standards are gradually lowered, and finally dis- 
appear. Prostitution, thieving, and murder thrive in 
these dark haunts. Death rates are often but a feeble 
index to the evils of congested tenement life. There 
is no death so sad as the death of ideals, the deaden- 
ing of at least a desire for better things. 

As for poverty and disease, the recent tenement 
house exhibit presented the most startling evidence. 
The " Poverty " and " Disease " maps were doubtless 
the most impressive feature of the whole exhibition. 
It was shown that there was hardly a tenement house 
in the entire city which had not furnished five families, 
and some had provided as many as seventy-five which, 
in five years' time, had been applicants for charity. As 
for tuberculosis, nearly every tenement house had had 
one case of it in these five years, and some as many as 
twelve. 

It is to be regretted that no similar maps were 
planned to show the close relation existing between 
drunkenness and bad housing conditions. It has long 
been felt that it is by no accident that the saloons are 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 277 

crowded thickly in the tenement house districts. " It 
occurs too often to be only that. The most congested 
districts of New York are also the regal domains of 
liquordom. In one place 148 saloons are all located 
within a space 514 yards long by 375 yards wide." ^ 
In the Annual Report of the Association for Improving 
the Condition of the Poor for 1853 is included the 
report of a committee on the sanitary condition of the 
laboring classes, which thus describes the relation of 
drunkenness to bad housing conditions : " The dread- 
ful depression consequent in ill health tempts these 
poor creatures, with a force which we cannot adequately 
appreciate, to have recourse to stimulating drink. 
. . . The wonder is not that so many of the laboring 
classes crowd to the liquor-shops, but that so many are 
found struggling to make their wretched abodes a 
home for the family. . . . The depressed and low 
condition of health in which these people are found 
induces habits of intemperance unfortunately so com- 
mon among them. To which may be added the obser- 
vation of an employer who says : ' It may be taken 
as an axiom, that if you make the workingman's home 
comfortable, he will give up the public house and its 
ruinous consequences ; and that when the workingman's 
home is little better than a pigsty, that man will 
always be an inhabitant of the public house or beer- 
shop.' " 

An investigation into the relation of overcrowding 
to drunkenness in England brought out clearly the 
fact that in the most congested portions of England 
drunkenness is most prevalent. In their report the 

1 E. E,. L. Gould in the Municipal Affairs Magazine, March, 1899. 



278 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

Royal Commissioners said : " The strictest caution is 
necessary not to let regret and disapproval of the 
ravages of intemperance divert attention from other 
evils which make the homes of the working classes 
wretched, evils over which they never had any control. 
. . . Drink and poverty act and react upon each other. 
Discomfort of the most abject kind is caused by drink, 
but indulgence in drink is caused by overcrowding and 
cognate evils, and the poor who live under the conditions 
described have the greatest difficulty in leading decent 
lives, and of maintaining decent habitations." ^ And 
Mr. Riis has tersely put the case in this form : " Any- 
body, I should think, whose misfortune it is to live 
in the slums might be exjiected to find in the saloons a 
refuge." ^ 

Thus the experience of New York is a warning, on 
the one hand, of what greed and neglect can accom- 
plish in the way of bad housing conditions, and, upon 
the other hand, of the terrible results of such conditions 
on the health and happiness of the working people. 
Yet it would be too much to say that no good has come 
out of all this evil. If, for one thing, our other Amer- 
ican cities are made to realize, by the experience of 
this homeless city, in whose forty thousand tenement 
houses more than half of its population are doomed to 
live, the possible dangers to which the cupidity of 
landlords and civic indifference expose them, even so 
severe a lesson may have held a blessing in disguise. 
But another good has come out of it. In spite of all the 
mistakes of the past fifty years, the study of the condi- 

1 The Temperance Problem and Social Reform, pp. 598-600. 

2 A Ten Years' War, pp. 104, 105. 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 279 

tions in New York has borne its fruit, and we have 
to-day conclusive scientific testimony not only to the 
evil results of bad housing conditions, but to the possi- 
bility of overcoming these conditions, and of housing 
the wage-earners of any city in wholesome and comfort- 
able homes, at the same time leaving to the landlord a 
suitable interest on the capital invested. By this is 
not meant that such conditions are immediately realiz- 
able in New York. That city must pay for its neglect 
of the past by having, as a result of the best obtainable 
legislation and concerted effort, buildings which, while 
they are not a public nuisance and a menace to the 
very lives and morals of the community, still fail to 
furnish even a passable home environment.^ But, in 
general, the terms upon which good home conditions 
may be purchased have been definitely determined, and 
the results of this economic exjjerience are at the dis- 
posal of those interested in municipal conditions. 

A summary of these results must now be given. 
They will be found valuable whenever any community 
faces its housing i^roblem, — the problem of overcrowd- 
ing, unsanitary conditions, relieving congested districts, 
doing away with wretched buildings, and putting in 
their place suitable homes for those upon whose in- 
dustrial efficiency, morality, and happiness depend the 
prosperity of the nation. 

Sanitary reform is the foundation of any effort to 
provide suitable homes for the working people. Ex- 
perience has conclusively shown that this cannot be 
surely and expeditiously brought about by the regu- 
larly constituted authorities alone. Cooperation of 
1 Report of the New York Tenement House Commission, 1900. 



280 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

public-spirited citizens, sanitary aid societies, and other 
associations is very desirable.^ Some of the funda- 
mental requirements of a sanitary code are : — 

1. Provision for periodical inspection of tenements, 
in addition to visitation expeditiously made after com- 
plaint. 

2. A thorough whitewashing, at least twice a year, 
of districts where low-grade houses are found. 

3. A large enough force of inspectors to permit fre- 
quent night visitations, with a view to prevent over- 
crowding. 

4. Making overcrowding an offense involving exem- 
plary punishment of the offender. 

5. Requiring the owners of houses sheltering six 
families or more to maintain a janitor on the premises. 

6. The power summarily to close houses unfit for 
human habitation simply by mailing a notice to the 
proprietor or agent at his last known address and 
posting a warning upon the house itself not less than 
twenty-four hours before ordering vacation. 

7. Ticketing houses in which overcrowding is cus- 
tomary, on the same plan as is adopted by the Glasgow 
Board of Health. 

8. Expropriation of irremediably insanitary property. 
One thing in connection with any health or bvulding 
regulations is sure. It will not do to leave anything 
" to the discretion " of the health officer or building 
inspector. The New York law of 1895 permitted the 
Commissioner of Buildings at his discretion to allow, 
in special cases, as much as seventj^-five per cent of 
a lot to be built upon, instead of only sixty-five per 

^ E. R. L. Gould, Municipal Affairs Magazine, March, 1899. 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 281 

cent, which was to be the rule. The result was that 
every case became a special case and all new tenement 
houses were permitted to occupy seventy-five per cent 
of the lot. 

It has also been definitely determined that whenever 
the housing problem becomes acute, the only remedy 
lies in the method of ticketing or licensing houses 
which have too large numbers of families, vesting in 
the specially appointed officers absolute authority to 
close buildings, arrest the offenders, and to expro- 
priate evidently unwholesome buildings. Until such 
a statute has been enacted little real progress can be 
expected. It is interesting to note that the city of 
Washington has already an ordinance analogous to the 
Glasgow system. The health officer is permitted to 
put a placard on or near the door of crowded houses, 
stating the number of occupants allowed to such a 
building, and to prevent a greater number of persons 
than that specified to occupy any room as a sleeping- 
room. 

The influence of rapid transit in relieving the con- 
gested districts has already been great and is doubtless 
destined to be even greater. Yet it cannot be expected 
that this means will prove sufficient of itself to solve 
the problem. It is, however, of first-rate importance 
that the city should refuse long and unlimited fran- 
chises of its transportation facilities to private com- 
panies without having sjiccial regard to the cheapening 
of fares. When the city does not control its own 
street railroads it should require of the management 
that during certain hours, when the working people 
are going to and coming from work, all persons shall be 



282 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

transported, on the presentation of fare tickets which 
are sold at a reduced rate. In Toronto, these tickets 
are sold at the rate of eight tickets for a quarter of a 
dollar. 

Ordinances seeking to regulate the construction of 
new tenement buildings will have regard to breathing 
space, sunlight, fresh air, fire escapes, sanitary and 
bath conveniences, and to a prevention of overcrowd- 
ing. The report of the New York Tenement House 
Commission of 1900, just appearing, contains a sum- 
mary of the best possible legislation governing the 
erection of tenements. To it the reader must be re- 
ferred. It is the last deliverance of experts on the 
housing problem.^ 

^ In order that the value of this report shall be fully appreciated, 
the following analysis of the contents of the full report is given : — 

I. General Report of the Commission. 

II. Summarized Statement of the Proceedings of the Commission. 

III. The Code of Tenement House Laws and other Specific Legisla- 
tion recommended. 

IV. Result of Inquiries or Investigations made by the Commission, 
or at its instance, which have been made the subject of special reports. 
These special reports are as follows : — 

(1) Tenement house reform in New York 1834-1900 ; (2) history of 
tenement house legislation in New York 18.52-1900; (3) housing con- 
ditions in Buffalo ; (4) housing conditions and tenement laws in leading 
American cities ; (.5) housing conditions and tenement laws in lead- 
ing European cities ; (6) a statistical study of New York's tenement 
houses ; (7) non-enforcement of the tenement house laws in New York 
in new buildings; (8) tenement house fires; (9) tenement houses 
and fire escapes ; (10) back to back tenements ; (11) results of an 
investigation of the sanitation of typical tenement houses ; (12) small 
houses for workingmen in New York ; will the housing problem be 
solved by their erection? (13) financial aspect of recent tenement 
house operations in New York; (14) the speculative building of tene- 
ment houses; (15) tenement houses as seen by the tenants; (16) 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 283 

In philanthropic or semi-philanthropic provisions 
for the housing of the laboring people, the first step 
is a scientific differentiation of the various divisions. 
It is comino: to be felt that for the lowest divisions of 
the social strata, separation is the only possible method 
whereby the drunkard, the incorrigible, the criminal, 
and the unfit can be kept from polluting their envi- 
ronment. There must be some special method for 
housing such characters under surveillance, detaching 
the children for education and proper training. Such 
a method has not yet been discovered, and it would be 
difficult to secure the enactment of such a law in a 
country where the suffrage is given to nearly all adult 
males. 

Above this division, there is the great number of 
the shiftless, and the irregular rent payers, of those 
who are deep in debt and who have lost health. With 
these the best plan is the well-known ^ Octavia Hill 
method of rent-collecting, whereby personal visitation 
and encouragement is productive of the best results. 
It is not essential to Miss Hill's plan that houses 
should be acquired. Yet this is often done. The 
essential thing is that trained workers collect the rents, 
and by their tact and good advice bring about a new 

tenement houses as seen by the inspector ; (17) tuberciilosis and the 
tenement house problem ; (18) the relation of tuberculosis to the tene- 
ment house problem; (10) prostitution as a tenement house evil ; (20) 
policy as a tenement house evil; (21) tenement house labor; (22) 
public baths; (23) parks and playgrounds for tenement house dis- 
tricts ; (24) a plan for tenements in connection with a municipal park ; 

(25) foreign immigration and the tenement house in New York City ; 

(26) the tenement house and poverty. 

1 Eighth Special Report of Commissioner of Labor, 1895, pp. 1G1-1G4. 



284 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

order of things. The only regulation insisted upon at 
first is that no lodgers shall be allowed to room with 
the family. Habitual drunkards are forced to leave 
if their rent remains unpaid. But in only a few cases 
has this extreme measure been necessary. Miss Hill's 
success has caused her plan to be followed on the 
Continent and in this country. Her " rent-collecting 
scheme occupies a significant place in the housing 
problem." Dr. Griscom in his report, already referred 
to, pointed out how uncertainty of tenure kept the ten- 
ants from any effort to take proper care of their rooms. 
" Why should I clean out to-day," said one tenant, 
" a place from which to-morrow I may be cast out?" 
From a pecuniary point of view alone, sympathy will 
be found to pay. " The experience of a landlord in 
Mulberry Bend, New York City, demonstrates that 
even the worst persons, with careful watching, can be 
made good tenants. The success which has attended 
Miss Hill's efforts furnishes hope, if not certainty, that 
practically all but social incorrigibles may come within 
the purview of remunerative effort." College settle- 
ments have already taken this work up. It is an at- 
tractive and feasible method of social service which 
ought to appeal to many individuals and organiza- 
tions. 

It is for city dwellers with moderate stij^ends and 
steady habits that the model tenements will be pro- 
vided. Here the outlook, as is well known, is most 
favorable. And the chief encouragement is this, 
that improved housing pays, not only in the results 
accomplished, bvit in dollars and cents. Dr. E. R. L. 
Gould summarizes the experience of the past in a table 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 285 

showing the rates of dividends paid and the net profits 
earned by thirty-four commercial and sixteen semi- 
philanthropic enterprises for promoting improved 
housing in American and European cities of 100,000 
inhabitants and upwards. This table was printed in 
the Eighth Heport of the Commissioner of Labor. 
It appears that in America, out of the avowedly com- 
mercial enterprises engaged in furnishing improved 
housing facilities, but one paid less than five per cent. 
Of the two American semi-philanthropic housing cor- 
porations mentioned, both earned up to the fixed limit, 
namely, four per cent, and in addition from three 
fourths to one and one half per cent for reserve. In 
Europe but six per cent of all enterprises failed to 
pay. All the rest were successful. An analysis of 
the economic experience of all companies engaged in 
providing good housing facilities for the poor shows 
that " about five per cent in dividends and a safe re- 
serve can be earned on model tenement dwellings any- 
where, charging customary rents, provided the total 
cost of the completed property does not exceed $500 
per room." The principal American enterprises are 
The Improved Dwellings Co., and the Astral Apart- 
ments, Brooklyn, N. Y., where Mr. A. T. White, a 
pioneer in such work in America, demonstrated at the 
start that model tenements are not only a safe but a 
profitable business investment ; the Robert Treat Paine 
Co., and the Improved Dwellings Association of Bos- 
ton, and the Tenement House Building Co., and the 
City and Suburban Homes Company of New York. 
The City and Suburban Homes Company began in 
New York with a capital of one million dollars, which 



286 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

has since been raised to two million. The principle 
upon which it is founded is that the housing problem 
can be solved only by economic methods, that there is 
a middle ground between pure philanthropy and pure 
business, — investment philanthropy. Dividends are 
limited to five per cent, any surplus to be devoted to 
an extension of operations. It recognizes the principle 
of the differentiation of wage-earners, and by fixing 
its shares at the low denomination of ten dollars, in- 
vites the wage-earners themselves to invest their means 
for useful ends. At the present time it is operating 
nine buildings on the West Side and a block on the 
East Side, while one hundred suburban homes have 
been created on the property owned by the comjoany 
in the borough of Brooklyn. 

" A good idea of the type of buildings constructed 
by this company can be gained from the following 
sketch of the buildings on First Avenue between Sixty- 
fourth and Sixtjr-fifth streets. The broad central 
courts, thirty feet square, and the recessed court from 
the street, eighteen feet wide, disseminate abundant 
light and ventilation through all parts of the building. 
Staircases and stair walls are entirely fireproof. Walls 
of the first story and the dividing walls between each 
group of apartments are also fireproof. Halls and 
stairways are well lighted and steam heated. Every 
apartment is a complete home in itself, with private 
hallway and water-closet well ventilated, with water 
supply from tank, stationary washtubs and sink of 
large size, hot water supply from central boiler system, 
gas fixtures and gas ranges, clothes-closets, dressers, 
and mantelshelves. The buildings also contain dumb- 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 287 

waiters, shower baths on the ground floor, and tub baths, 
particularly for the use of women and children, laun- 
dries, wood and coal closets, storage rooms, and dust 
chutes. The two-room apartments, of which a some- 
what unusual number have been provided, contain ex- 
actly the same conveniences as the three and four room 
apartments." ^ They are especially adapted to small 
families with very limited incomes, and to aged couples 
living by themselves. 

The rents are a little lower than for much poorer 
quarters in surrounding tenements. The rent collector 
is a woman, generally a welcome visitor, and her rela- 
tion with the tenants often leads to helpful words and 
acts. Her advice is sometimes asked about the arrange- 
ment o^ the furniture, the care of the children, and 
other domestic matters. In one case a kindergarten 
was asked for, and the company paid one half the rental 
of the required room. The lessees are largely clerks, 
mechanics, motormen, policemen. A considerable per- 
centage are unskilled laborers. One of the houses, 
containing forty-five apartments, was set aside at the 
beginning and has been maintained for the tenancy of 
self-supporting women. Another is to be constructed 
for the exclusive use of Negi'oes. Such are the model 
tenements in one of our great cities, and they are 
one of the best business investments to be found in 
New York. 

For skilled laborers and others earning from $1200 

to 11500 a year, there is a further step possible. As 

rapid transit facilities increase, a larger number of 

working men and women will live at a distance from 

1 E. R. L. Gould, Municipal Affairs Magazine, March, 1899. 



288 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

their work and should have homes of their own. To 
make this possible, more than one company has built 
cottages and allowed the tenants to pay for them in 
monthly installments, in lieu of the usual payment of 
rent, A life insurance policy, made out to the com- 
pany until the indebtedness has been canceled, will 
guard from possible loss by death, and the purchaser 
pays fire insurance and taxes. By allowing as many 
as twenty years in which to pay the purchase price of 
the house, such an arrangement is placed within the 
reach of many wage-earners. 

Such, then, is the encouraging experience with this 
important branch of social economics. Whenever it 
becomes necessary to provide good homes for the labor- 
ing people of any city, it is a comfort to think tj^at this 
can be done, and at the same time an investment of cap- 
ital be offered which pays its five per cent and much 
beyond. 

It must be remembered that the houses, not the 
homes of the working people, have been discussed in 
this chapter. The steps leading to a discussion of the 
home would be from the outward environment, the four 
walls, the cleanliness and sunshine, to the questions of 
domestic science and all that it involves of hygiene 
and thrift, and thence to the only foundations of a 
real home. The unselfish love of that which is holy, 
the steadfastness of purpose which holds one close to 
the fulfillment of his ideal, and the willing sacrifice of 
all that stands in the way of its realization, — these are 
the elements of a home, wherever that home may be. 
Fundamental and personal as these essentials are, it is 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 289 

by no means in vain that one tries to reach and 
strengthen them. All that is clone to purify, to educate, 
and to cultivate the ideals reacts upon the character 
and fulfills its highest aim when the man, thus rein- 
forced, takes the product of his enlightenment into his 
home. The same refinement due the man is even more 
an obligation to the woman, who is the real maker of 
the home. It is her personality that creates the home 
atmosphere, and upon her strength of character depend, 
very largely, the nature and the power of the home in- 
fluence. One argues that a man must be educated to 
be able to take his part in the practical afPairs of life, 
but there is nothing more practical than the duties of a 
home, nothing requiring more forcibly clear judgment 
and insight, the resources of a trained mind and hand, 
or the ennobling influence of high ideals. It may be 
just to say, " What can one expect of a man when his 
home is what it is ? " It is equally just to say, "What 
can one expect of a woman when her resources are 
what they are ? " It is clear that the housing of the 
people does not solve the problem of home life, but in 
so far as externals are favorable, they do help to raise 
the standards of living and to increase the self-respect 
of the home makers. 

A branch of the housing problem which has received 
little attention until recently is the lodging-house for 
single men who are not livins; at home. Until within 
a very few years the lodging-houses for single men 
have been more inadequate, unwholesome, disreputable, 
than the family tenements. To-day it has been demon- 
strated, both at home and abroad, that cheap working- 



290 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

men's hotels can be erected in the most substantial and 
scientific way, need charge no higher price than the 
lodging-house, and can still eai'n enough from the cap- 
ital invested to pay at least three per cent dividend 
after making deductions for repairs and other contin- 
gencies. 

It may be well, before speaking of these recent ex- 
periments, briefly to pass in review the ordinary lodg- 
ing-houses as they exist in any of our large cities. In- 
formation in regard to the cheap lodging-houses for 
men has been difficult to secure. No registration is 
necessary in many cities, and official statistics are there- 
fore unavailable.^ The police station lodgings are the 
lowest and last resort for homeless men. A large base- 
ment room in the Hammond Street Police Station of 
Cincinnati, for example, is known as the Hammond 
Street Bum Room. This room is very large, and with 
the exception of a table and a chair, it is without fur- 
niture. In one corner there is a great iron cage for 
disorderly lodgers. The Bum Room is free to any man 
who may happen to be without the means of securing 
a lodging elsewhere, and furnishes sleeping-room for 
about two hundred men. In bad weather, when the 
place is crowded, the men lie in four rows upon the 
floor, one row with heads to each side baseboard, and 
two rows, head to head, along the middle of the floor. 
It is sometimes necessary to " wedge " the men, to turn 

1 The following information i3 taken from an article on " Working- 
men's Hotels," by John Lloyd Thomas in Municipal Affairs Magazine 
for March, 1899, from a special report by Bryant Venable on Cheap 
Lodging Houses in Cincinnati and other cities, and from the material 
given in the reports from the different cities. 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 291 

them upon their sides, in which position they occupy 
less floor space than when on their backs. Such are 
the police station lodgings. They are inexcusable. 
The abolishment of the police lodging-room should be 
immediate and final. In New York it has gone. 
" That awful parody on municipal charity . . . after 
twenty years of persistent attack upon the foul dens, 
years during which they were arraigned, condemned, 
indicted, by every authority having jurisdiction." ^ 

In their place there should be a clean, carefully con- 
ducted municipal lodging-house to take proper care of 
the homeless, under right conditions. New York has 
such city lodgings. The men must bathe, their clothes 
must be fumigated, a record of the attendance is kept, 
and work is assigned, so far as is possible. They are 
provided with a frugal supper and breakfast, and clean, 
separate beds. It is safe to say that few " dead beats " 
escape the vigilance of the officials. Other cities are 
trying the same plan, and the result is uniformly suc- 
cessful. Well-ordered, attractive municipal lodging- 
houses are a present necessity. 

When a homeless laboring man has money to pay 
for his lodging, he will turn to the cheap lodging-house. 
The house he will go to will depend on the amount of 
money he has. Five cents is enough for at least a roof 
over his head. The five-cent " doss house " is com- 
monly known as a " flop," and its patron is a " flopper." 
The men sleep on the rough and dirty floor ; there is 
no bedding. Lodgers occasionally come supplied with 
newspapers, but as a general thing they sleep upon the 
bare floor, or on the benches or tables. The shoes are 
1 A Ten Years' War, p. 16. 



292 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

often rolled up in the coat and serve as a pillow. When 
the rooms are crowded, lodgers are requested to lie in 
rows so as to economize space, hut at other times they 
" flop " wherever they can find a convenient place on the 
floor. The ten-cent house is in many respects better. 
Here we have come to the bunks, which are generally 
arranged in tiers of two or three. Mattresses and pil- 
lows are provided. These rooms are generally crowded, 
as many as one hundred men being lodged in a single 
room. The men retire without undressing, and the 
condition of the beds and room is sometimes appall- 
ing. For fifteen to twenty-five cents a separate com- 
partment is furnished, the lower priced ones containing 
two or more beds, the higher priced ones, a single bed. 
Each room is just large enough to accommodate the 
beds without any additional furniture. The frame 
partitions between the stalls are usually frail, and the 
compartments themselves close, warm, and oppressively 
odorous. 

Such, then, are the cheap lodging-houses as they 
exist in our large cities. It is not always easy to 
ascertain the number of these lodging-houses in any 
community. In Boston, the total number is twenty. 
They are allowed by regulations to accommodate 1283 
persons ; five of the houses have baths. The ordinary 
price per night is eighteen cents, the lowest price being 
five cents. Lodging-houses with saloons in the same or 
adjoining building are four in number. In Denver the 
number of cheap lodging-houses is thirty-eight, of which 
some are of the best, and none are of the worst. Their 
average daily patronage is 1411. In New York the 
figures are as follows : — 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 293 

Total number of lodging-houses .... 112 
Total number of lodgers allowed in these by 

Board of Health 15,233 

Minimum air space per lodger 400 cu. ft. 

Total number of houses with baths ... 67 

Total number of lodgers allowed in these . 8,861 

Total number of baths with hot water . . 56 

Free baths 54 

Average daily use of baths (total) .... 546 
Total number of houses without baths of any 

kind 55 

Total number of lodgers allowed in these . 6,372 
Lowest price for lodgings per night . . . 10c. 
Ordinary price for lodgings per night . . . 15c. 
Lodging-houses with beds in separate com- 
partments, charge 20 to 30c. 

Saloons in same building 33 

'* on one side 22 

" on both sides 2 ■ 

Entrance through saloon 3 

In Chicago the total number of lodging-houses is 85. 

Of these there are 30 that have a capacity of from 1 to 50. 
18 that have a capacity of from 50 to 100. 
24 that have a capacity of from 100 to 250. 
13 that have a capacity above 250. 

Ten, fifteen, and twenty-five cents are the ordinary 
charges. Three houses with saloon attachment offer 
free accommodations, and three charge but two cents. 
Twenty-five lodging-houses sell liquors, fift^'-eight are 
in good, and twenty-seven in bad sanitary condition. 
Chicago has now a new sanitary law which prescribes 
at least four hundred cubic feet of space to one slee^iing- 



294 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

room, limits the number of occupants in one sleeping- 
room to six, and requires a register to be kept. 

The o^eneral conclusion to be drawn from an investi- 
gation of these cheap lodging-houses is that " they are 
deficient in everything that tends to clean and healthful 
living, physically and morally." In estimating their 
influence, it must be remembered that even when the 
sanitary arrangements are good, and the room fairly 
clean, the whole atmosphere of the place may be and 
very often is depressing and sad. A man may sleep 
without losing his self-respect or impairing his health, 
and still find little to keep him within his lodging- 
house during his waking hours. With very few excep- 
tions, it may be asserted of the ordinary lodging-house 
for men in any of our great cities, that where they are 
not positively bad, they are uninviting and even repel- 
lent. They furnish nothing but the barest necessities, 
and leave the desires for certain comforts and pleasures 
entirely out of account. 

No extended homily is needed to show the relation of 
such lodgings as these to the saloon. They are the 
regular rendezvous of the saloon patron, and their 
whole atmosphere, positive and negative, is calculated 
to swell the saloon attendance. What is wanted is a 
lodging-house which not only provides decent accom- 
modation for the night, but makes some provision for 
a man's leisure hours during the day. The ordinary 
cheap lodging-house does not do this, and neither, of 
course, do the municipal lodging-houses and those chari- 
table institutions whose mission is to supply only the 
immediate demand for food and shelter. Some benevo- 
lent enterprises seek to make the place attractive during 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 295 

the day as well as at night. The more ambitious of 
the Salvation Army shelters, for example, are known 
as working-men's hotels, and provide reading and social 
rooms on a separate floor. Every man is required to be 
out of the bedrooms by nine o'clock in the morning, but 
the social rooms are open all day long. The last report 
(1899) showed that the Army operated forty-nine such 
shelters for men, with an accommodation of 5311. 
Other missions which furnish lodgings occasionally 
make provision for the social comforts of their patrons. 
An illustration of the best work of this kind is fur- 
nished by the Bethel of St. Paul. This mission 
occupies two floors of a building, of which the first is 
divided into a reading-room and office and a large 
dining-room, which is conducted on the English coffee- 
house plan. Very cheap rates are charged for the 
food, and a clean single room, with a single bed, is 
offered at twenty cents a night, or one dollar a week. 
Loafing-rooms are always open, and everything is kept 
clean. The income from the restaurant and lodgings 
meets all the expenses. 

The work of providing cheap lodgings has been suc- 
cessfully undertaken also by the churches. Olive Tree 
Inn, in New York City, is a lodging-house for men, 
being a department of the Galilee Mission and Coffee 
House of Calvary Episcopal Church. It contains 
about one hundred beds, partly in dormitories and 
partly in private rooms. The dormitories are light and 
airy. The prices range from fifteen to twenty-five 
cents, the latter being the charge for single rooms. 
The weekly rates are slightly below the nightly prices. 
The lodgers have several accessory advantages. They 



296 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

can procure five and ten cent meals in the Galilee 
Coffee House ; they can use the mission reading-room, 
which contains a circulating library, and where smok- 
ing is permitted. It is advisable for all missions and 
churches which undertake to provide cheap lodgings 
to avoid the selling of ticket books to societies and 
individuals to be given to applicants for aid instead 
of coin. A knowledge that these tickets are issued 
cannot help becoming known, and is certain to repel 
the class of self-respecting workingmen who object to 
anything that savors of charity. This plan may be 
adopted by municipal lodging-houses, but hardly by 
any lodging-house which hopes to succeed as a finan- 
cial enterprise. The Mills Hotel management has dis- 
tinctly declared against the issuing of tickets. Origi- 
nally the Hatfield House, situated at 46 and 48 Ridge 
Street, New York, was the property of the Seventh 
Presbyterian Church. Since 1895 it has been leased 
to its resident manager. This is a small, comfortable 
lodging-house which has its regular clientage, and 
charges from one dollar and fifty cents to two dollars a 
week. The furnishing of cheap lodgings for men is a 
legitimate church enterprise which, if rightly conducted, 
should become financially independent at once. 

But the movement to provide model lodging-houses 
for self-respecting and self-supporting wage-earners has 
in our day become a commercial enterprise, a paying 
investment. The experiment began in Europe about 
ten years ago. In Hamburg, in Glasgow, and in Lon- 
don, large and finely appointed lodging-houses for 
single men were erected, and without exception they 
became at once commercially profitable. The most 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 297 

famous of these houses in London are the " Rowtons," 
five of which are already in operation. The latest of 
the " Rowtons " has provision for over eight hundred 
men, each of whom, for sixpence a night, enjoys the 
full advantages offered by an outlay of X50,000. Lord 
Rowton's scheme pays in actual cash. Rowton Houses, 
Limited, is one of the most successful concerns in Lon- 
don, " a philanthropy that pays five per cent," to quote 
Lord Rosebery. It is to be doubted if anywhere else 
in England so much comfort can be obtained for six- 
pence as in these handsome and spacious hotels. 
Whether model lodgings have been conducted by the 
municipality or by private individuals the results have 
been the same. The congestion of population has been 
reduced, lodgers have been given not only a good 
night's rest, but a place of comfort and recreation, at 
no higher price than would be charged at an ordinary 
cheap lodging-house. The condition of lodgers morally 
and physically has been bettered, and best of all, a 
radical improvement in all lodging-houses has been 
effected which previous attempts by way of sanitary, 
registration, and inspection laws had failed to bring 
about. 

In America, with one or two notable exceptions, there 
has been little effort made to imitate these successful 
attempts at solving the problem of housing the single 
workingraan. Several years ago a beginning was made 
in Baltimore by Mr. Eugene Levering, whose model 
lodging-house is still in operation. It is located at the 
northwest corner of Front and Fayette streets. Beds, 
clean and comfortable, are provided for one hundred 
and fifty men. The prices charged vary from ten to 



298 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

twenty-five cents according to accommodations. The 
house is open all night. There is a reading-room, sup- 
plied with a few games, magazines, and papers, and a 
smoking-room. During the winter about one hundred 
and twenty-five men on an average sleep there. A din- 
ing-room is run in connection with it, where from 
seventy-five to one hundred and fifty meals are served 
daily. The prices are ten and fifteen cents a meal. 
Since its erection the capacity of the building has been 
doubled, and a comfortable per cent of profits is being 
realized over and above the expenses and improvements. 
A similar enterprise in Philadelphia owes its exist- 
ence to John Wanamaker. The Friendly Inn is the 
only model lodging-house in Philadelphia. Mr. Wana- 
maker purchased for this purpose the Pinney Hotel, 
situated on Ninth Street. He expended about 160,000 
on repairs, alterations, and refurnishiugs. The build- 
ing is sixty feet front and ninety feet deep, and accom- 
modates one hundred and fifty guests. On the lower 
floor are the office, the smoking-room, and in the rear 
a comfortable and spacious parlor and dining-room. 
Above are six floors with sleeping apartments. In the 
basement are the kitchen, lavatories, and bathrooms. 
Throughout the building the greatest attention has 
been paid to heating and ventilation, and especially to 
sanitary arrangements. Meals are served at ten cents 
each, that is, at cost, and are of excellent quality, equal 
to any twenty-five cent restaurant, which must make 
rent in profits. The price of a single room is twenty- 
five cents ; with two or more beds, the price is fifteen 
cents. Reading matter is provided for the guests, and 
an employment bureau is carried on to help a man to 



THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 299 

get work without cost. Only self-supporting, deserv- 
ing workingmen are allowed to enter. It is not in any 
sense a charitable institution, and its nightly patronage 
is one hundred and twenty-five guests. This experi- 
ment, too, has been a financial success, and each year 
there has been a steady profit from the investment. 

New York had seen model lodging-houses before the 
advent of the Mills Hotels, but the " American Row- 
tons " have set the standard for similar enterprises in 
other cities. They have conclusively proved what 
everybody was inclined to believe before any one was 
willing to make the venture, — that the experience of 
Europe might be repeated in America, that a large 
hotel for single wage-earners could both accomplish a 
beneficent work and make money for the investor. 
These hotels have now been running long enough to 
have passed the experimental stage. They have been 
filled since they were opened. They have forced the 
better class of Bowery lodging-houses to make needed 
improvements. They have reached the men for whom 
they were intended, have kept scores of men from the 
cheap lodging-house, have offered a most attractive 
substitute for the saloon, and besides all this they have 
yielded a profit on the investment of 11,500,000. Mr. 
Mills himself says : " I have been able to do a good 
many things for which I have been glad, but this is 
the most satisfactory thing I ever did." The Mills 
Hotel, No. 1, has 1554 rooms, and the average number 
of lodgers for twelve months was 1559, a few rooms 
being rented by day to night workers, and rented again 
at night for day workers. The charges are twenty 
cents a night for lodging, and meals can be had for 



300 SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON. 

five, ten, and fifteen cents. There is steam heat in 
both hotels, electric lighting, shower bath, reading and 
writing rooms. Mills Hotel, No. 2, has 600 rooms, 
but in other respects is similar to Mills Hotel No. 1. 
The baths are free of charge, and their use by the 
guests shows that they are appreciated. Nine hundred 
baths have been given in one day in the larger hotel. 
There are tubs also in which a man may wash his own 
clothes, which are quickly dried in a steam drier. The 
bedrooms are all separate, about seven and a half by 
six feet in size, and contain a single iron bedstead, with 
the best mattresses, pillows, and linen. A strip of 
carpet is on every floor, and a chair and a closet com- 
plete the furnishing of the room. A man may retain 
the same room as long as he pays for it. No intoxi- 
cated man is ever admitted, even if he has paid for his 
room. In case a man has secured a room and in the 
evening returns under the influence of liquor, he is sent 
to the office, receives his money back, and is compelled 
to leave. As a result this twenty-cent hotel harbors 
self-respecting men. Bedrooms must be vacated from 
9.30 A. M. to 5.30 p. M., but the reading-rooms and 
smoking-rooms of the hotel, as well as the restaurant, 
are open all day long for the use of guests. In the 
restaurant a good meal, well served, can be had for 
fifteen cents. That they are appreciated is shown from 
the fact that both houses have been full from the day 
they were opened.^ 

Here, then, are model lodgings for two thousand at 
least of the homeless and self-respecting wage-earners of 
one of our American cities. Just what the profit on 
^ Municipal Affairs Magazine, p. 89. 






THE HOUSING OF THE WORKING PEOPLE. 301 

this investment is at the present time is not known. It 
is probably over three and under seven per cent. At 
any rate, it has been demonstrated that model lodging- 
houses can accomplish an inestimable service to any 
community and at the same time pay a generous divi- 
dend on the investment. If the pressing necessity and 
practicability of such provision for the needs of the 
working people has been demonstrated, nothing pre- 
vents those who want to invest their money in some- 
thing that will do more than return dividends to them- 
selves from planting similar hotels in any of our large 
cities. 



APPENDIX. 
I. 

ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS TOWARD THE SALOON. 

It Is not, of course, to be expected that organizations formed 
with primary reference to securing good wages and a reasonable 
length of working day should emphasize their attitude upon other 
issues, however important many of the members may deem them 
to be. It is quite customary, for example, for the constitutions of 
trade unions to forbid the discussion in union meetings of ques- 
tions of a religious or political character, such as might create 
divisions in the organization. In entering upon this investiga- 
tion, consequently, the writer did not expect to find very much 
in trade-union activity which would have a bearing directly upon 
the temperance question. The result, however, while showing 
nothing startling, has been a pleasant surprise, for it has shown 
that the unions are a greater factor in developing temperate liv- 
ing than had been supposed. 

The following table gives the membership of the nine trade 
unions, so far as reported, in 1900 most active in their opposi- 
tion to the saloon or in their general claim of moral influence : — 

Table L Trade Unions claiming a Strong Antagonism to 
THE Saloon. 

Name of Organization. Members. 

Journeymen Bakers and Confectioners International Union 4,200 

Order of Railroad Conductors 23,.500 

Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen 31,500 

United Garment Workers of America 10,000 

International Seamen's Union 4,000 

Switchmen's Union of North America 2,000 

Journeymen Tailors Union of America 6,217 

Order of Railroad Telegraphers 15,000 

International Typographical Union 35,000 

Total 131,417 



304 APPENDIX. 

One of the officers of the Bakers and Confectioners Union 
writes from their headquarters in Brooklyn: " We are opposed 
to the saloon, especially when a ' Baker's Home ' is connected 
therewith. Whenever possible we establish employment offices 
ourselves, to give work free of charge to our members." Libra- 
ries are also established iu the branches of the union. The offi- 
cers state that before the establishment of the national body the 
local unions would hold meetings in the saloons, but that now this 
custom is very much changed. 

The Order of Railroad Conductors, according to its officers, is 
" absolutely opposed to the saloon, and it is incorporated in our 
laws that a man cannot engage in the traffic of intoxicating liquor 
and remain a member of the organization." 

Mr. F. W. Arnold, of Peoria, 111., secretary of the Brotherhood 
of Locomotive Firemen, writes : " Our brotherhood opposes the 
saloon to the extent tliat it will not tolerate a member being con- 
nected with the sale of liquor," and the laws of the order forbid 
any lodge from deriving revenue from the sale of intoxicating 
liquors at any of its balls, picnics, excursions, or other entertain- 
ments. Mr. Arnold declares, as do the secretaries of most of the 
unions mentioned in the above table, that their lodges do not meet 
in halls located over or back of saloons. ISIr. Henry White, New 
York City, general secretary of the United Garment Workers, 
writes : " Our organization is decidedly opposed to the saloon 
influences, and wherever possible our local unions meet in halls 
not connected with a saloon. Our national and local unions have 
strongly advocated the passage of favorable factory legislation, 
particularly such as would mitigate the sweating evil. Many of 
the members have been actively identified with social reform 
movements, and it has been the training and education received 
at the meetings of the unions which have enlarged their ideas 
and created an interest iu public questions." 

Mr. W. Macarthur, of San Francisco, secretary of the Inter- 
national Seamen's Union, writes that the different branches of this 
organization, particularly the Sailors' L'nion of the Pacific, have 
established reading-rooms well equipped with papers and books, 
particularly those dealing with economic subjects. Temperance 
is also encouraged, " by constantly enjoining sobriety upon the 



ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 305 

members, by providing punishments for members failing in tlieir 
duty to their employers through drunkenness, and by refusing to 
publish advertisements of saloons, etc., in the official organ." 
This union is making great effort to free the sailors from subjec- 
tion to employment agencies and disreputable boarding-houses, 
to secure better food and better treatment from their officers, 
and to put an end to imprisonment for leaving vessels before the 
expiration of their contracts. 

Mr. M. J. Ford, Jr., editor of the " Journal " of the Switchmen's 
Union, writes: " In our obligation there is a clause which states, 
' I will not recommend any one for membership in this organiza- 
tion whom I know to be a common drunkard.' I myself am a 
total abstainer, and likewise, also, are the Grand Master, the Grand 
Secretary and Treasurer, and the Vice Grand Master. I visited 
some of the subordinate lodges this summer, and at every place I 
spoke against the use of liquor. I have also written against it iu 
our official organ." 

Mr. John B. Lennon, of Bloomington, 111., general secretary 
of the Journeymen Tailors, writes: "There are very few of our 
unions that meet in halls connected with saloons. They only do 
so in cities where it is impossible to secure anything else, — nota- 
bly Chicago and New York, where there are practically no other 
halls to be had; and even in those cities they have been and 
are decidedly anxious to secure places not connected with saloons." 
He also makes the following strong statement : " Our organiza- 
tion has not officially taken any stand upon the liquor question. 
Since we have had an organization, however, the change of habits 
of the Custom Tailors is something marvelous as to this one 
habit. I can well remember when there could be found in no 
city, from Sunday until Tuesday or Wednesday of the following 
week, any tailors who were sufficiently sober to work at their 
trade, or if any, they were very few. I believe most earnestly 
that organization has been the cause that has cured and elimi- 
nated this evil. You can now go to the same cities where our 
imions have existed from ten to twenty-five or thirty years, and 
you will scarcely find a single member of the organization that is 
an habitual drunkard. The officers of our organization, myself 
included, are decidedly opposed to the use of intoxicating liquors 



306 APPENDIX. 

as a beverage, and I have not failed, whenever the opportunity 
has presented itself, to declare myself upon this question." 

The constitution of the Telegraphers reads : " The use of alco- 
holic liquors as a beverage shall be sufficient cause for rejecting 
any petition for membership." 

The International Typographical Union passed a vote, in its 
convention in 1894, calling for " the state and national destruc- 
tion of the liquor traffic." As the matter has not come up since 
in any meetings of the organization, it is uncertain how much 
weight is to be attached to this vote, but its passage has at least 
some significance. 

Although some of the other unions have not taken as direct a 
stand on this subject as have those just quoted, they have had 
much to do with increasing the temperate habits of their mem- 
bers. It used to be said that carpenters, cigar-makers, iron- 
workers, printers, shoemakers, and tailors were always drunk on 
Mondays. Such a remark is now rarely heard. 

Mr. George E. McNeil, of Boston, the oldest and one of the 
most esteemed leaders of the American labor movement, and its 
historian, testified recently before the National Industrial Com- 
mission that the social condition of labor, as well as its wages, 
had been much improved by the trade union. " It is an educa- 
tional society. The men who go into trade unions and find other 
men there capable of discussing these questions have their minds 
affected and stimulated. It has tended to beget self-respect, not 
only in the matter of clothing, but in habits. The offensive 
drunkenness of certain classes of laborers of years ago has been 
greatly lessened. I do not say that there are not as many peo- 
ple who drink, but the drunkenness that swallowed up the farm 
of the farmer and the house of the mechanic has been reduced. 
The drunken man means a low wage man. Every trade union 
is trying to get high wages, but if it has a drunken constituency 
it cannot succeed. It must elevate the habits of the laborer that 
he may rise to the wages he demands, and drunkenness has been 
diminished and wages have been increased through the influence 
of organized labor." 

We will next consider a group of six trade unions, with a mem- 



ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 307 

bership of 113,074, whose leaders are in general opposed to the 
saloon, but where the opposition has taken a less pronounced 
form than in the unions mentioned in Table I. 

Table II. Trade Unions reporting Some Opposition to thb 
Saloons. 
Name of Organization. Members. 

Brotherhood of Boiler Makers and Iron Shipbuilders . . 2,874 
Carriage and Wagon Makers International Union . . . 1,200 
Retail Clerks National Protective Association of the U. S. 10,000 
National Brotherhood of Electrical Workers of the U. S. . 5,000 
Knights of Labor of the United States of America, perhaps 30,000 
United Mine Workei's of America 85,000 



Total .^. . . . 134,074 

Mr. William G. Gilthorpe, secretary of the Brotherhood of 
Boiler Makers and Iron Shipbuilders, states that about one third 
of the branches meet in halls connected with saloons, but that the 
removal from such meeting-places is being advised. 

The Carriage and Wagon Makers Union does not allow any 
liquor dealer to be a member. This is likewise true of the Retail 
Clerks National Protective Association. No branches meet in 
any hall connected with a saloon. 

The secretary of the Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, 
Rochester, N. Y., writes that the organization has opposed the 
saloon by starting reading-rooms and lectures, and adds : " The 
trade union has a good moral effect on its members. Better 
wages make better men, better men make better homes, better 
homes make a better country, and the better the country the 
better its people." 

The Knights of Labor, as is well known, have from the begin- 
ning refused to allow saloon-keepers to become members, and 
have made large claims of exerting a broad educational and 
moral influence, especially through what for a very long time 
was a feature peculiar to this organization, — the devotion of a 
portion of each meeting, known as the educational hour, to the 
discussion of general, social, and economic questions. But the 
organization, after giving birth to many of the best features of 
the American labor movement, and after having trained most of 



308 APPENDIX. 

its leaders of to-day, has fallen upon troublous times, and now 
has probably not more than 30,000 paying members in good and 
regular standing. 

Mr. W. C. Pearce, secretary of the United Mine Workers of 
America, which has a membership of 85,000, writes from their 
headquarters at Indianapolis : " A great many of our members 
are opposed to the saloon and never patronize such a place. 
Very few of our local unions meet in- halls connected with the 
saloon. The officers of the United Mine Workers of America 
discourage in every respect saloon business." 

We will next consider the situation in the following twenty 
unions, embracing an American membership of about 180,000 
and a total membei'ship of 308,561. These figures, as well as 
others in the article, are taken from the letters to the writer 
while preparing this article, or from those received while prepar- 
ing the one on the " Benefit Features of American Trade Unions," 
in the " United States Bulletin of Labor." The figures for two or 
three of the railroad brotherhoods are taken from the membership 
as quoted in 1896 or 1897, in an article in the " United States 
Bulletin of Labor," by Dr. Emory R. Johnson, on " Relief and 
Insurance of Railway Employees." 

Table TIL Trade Unions whose Temperance Attitude is 
SEEN IN the Constitutions of their Benefit or Insurance 
Departments. 

Name of Organization. Members. 

Journeymen Barbers International Union 4,000 

International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths 300 

Amalg-amated Society of Carpenters and Joiners .... 1,625 

United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners .... 39,845 

Cigar Makers International Union of America .... 28,000 

Coremakers International Union 1,430 

Amalgamated Society of Engineers about 1,600 

Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers 30,309 

Glass Bottle Blowers Assn. of United States and Canada • 3,000 

Granite Cutters National Union 9,765 

United Brotherhood of Leather Workers on Horse Goods 475 

Iron Holders Union of North America 18,000 



ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 309 

Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America . . 5,500 

Pattern Makers National League of North America . . 1,800 

Quarrymen's National Union of United States and Canada 2,000 

Cotton Mule Spinners Association 2,600 

National Tobacco Workers Union of America .... 5,000 

Brotherhood of Railroad Trackmen 1,250 

Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen 22,326 

Typographia 1,100 

Total 179,925 

If the membership of the Amalgamated Engineers in all coun- 
tries were included, its numbers would have been given in the 
above table as 83,564 instead of 1,600; and so the Amalgamated 
Society of Carpenters and Joiners would similarly be stated at 
66,63-4 members instead of 1,625, and the total would have been 
raised to 308,561. But the American membership of the unions 
given in the table is about 179,925, as indicated. 

The distinguishing feature of these twenty unions is that, while 
so far as discovered they have enacted no special legislation 
against the liquor traffic, they do liave insurance or benefit fea- 
tures exceeding the amount spent upon strikes but open in most 
cases only to those of temperate habits. Sick relief especially is 
refused to those whose illness was occasioned by intemperance. 
Extracts from a few of the constitutions of these organizations 
will make this matter clear. 

The constitution of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers 
provides for a sick benefit for any member " when visited by 
mental disease, bodily sickness or lameness not occasioned by 
drunkenness or disorderly conduct or any disease improperly 
contracted." This organization of stationary engineers, machin- 
ists, smiths, and pattern-makers, with its 83,564 members through- 
out the EngHsh-speaking woi-ld, spent in 1898 less than 10 per 
cent of its income of ©2,253,635 upon trade disputes, while it 
spent in benefits .$1,541,556. It had a balance on hand in De- 
cember, 1898, of 81,040,607, or over .$12 per member. 

The Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners places 
among its qualifications for admission, good workmanship, 
" steady habits, and good moral character," and refuses to give 



310 APPENDIX. 

sick benefits when sickness or lameness is occasioned " by drunk- 
enness, disorderly or improper conduct." This organization spent 
upon trade disputes, as did the engineers, less than 10 per cent 
of its receipts, while it expended most of the balance in various 
forms of relief. 

The Iron Holders Union of North America gives its sick 
relief of $5 per week " provided that such sickness or disability 
has not been caused by intemperance, debauchery, or other im- 
moral conduct." These exact words also appear in the pro- 
visions for sick and death benefits in the constitutions of the 
Journeymen Barbers International Union of America, and in 
that of the Cigar Makers International Union of America, which 
has the best developed system of benefit features of any Ameri- 
can labor organization. 

Many of the railroad brotherhoods copy substantially the con- 
stitution of the Grand International Brotherhood of the Loco- 
motive Engineers in its provision that no person shall become a 
member " unless he is a white man twenty-one years of age, and 
can read and write, and is a man of good moral character, tem- 
perate habits, and a locomotive engineer in good standing and in 
actual service as a locomotive engineer when proposed, and has 
had experience as such at least one year." 

It remains to give some facts about ten other unions with 
86,390 members which have reported on the saloon question, but 
which for one reason or another have either not attempted very 
much directly in opposition to the saloon, or do not claim to have 
accomplished much save as the general improvement in the con- 
ditions of the craft has improved the standard of life and morals 
of its members. 

Table IV. Trade Unions making Few Claims of Dibect Oppo- 
sition TO the Saloon. 

Name of Organization. Members. 

Boot and Shoe Workers Union 13,000 

National Union of United Brewery Workers 10,000 

Coopers International Union of North America .... 3,100 
American Flint Glass Workers Union 7,400 



ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 311 

The Window Glass Cutters League of America .... 850 

United Hatters of North America about 6,000 

International Association of Machinists 20,000 

American Federation of Musicians 9,152 

International Wood Carvers Association of North America 1,388 
Amalgamated Wood Workers International Union of 

America 9,500 

Total 86,390 

Mr. Charles F. Bechtold, secretary of the United Brewery 
Workers, writes from their headquarters in Cincinnati : " I can 
assure you that the Brewery Workers do not oppose the saloon, 
as this would be a suicidal act. We have made no efforts against 
the saloons. Most of our local unions meet in halls connected 
with saloons." Yet this union boasts as one of its achievements 
the fact that it has abolished the necessity that workmen should 
obtain the recommendation of saloon-keepers before securing 
employment in a brewery. This demoralizing necessity is said 
to have formerly prevailed among all workmen in this business 
and to still obtain where there are no unions. 

Mr. J. A. Cable, secretary of the Coopers International Union, 
writes from Kansas City : " I have opposed the evils of intoxi- 
cation by endeavoring to attract our members to nobler thoughts. 
. . . Our meetings are an education to each other from the fact 
that different questions affecting our welfare are discussed from 
different points of view." 

Mr. George Preston, secretary of the Machinists, writes from 
Chicago : " W^e have never been troubled to any large extent 
with the saloon business. An organization of the character of 
ours generally finds enough to interest its members in the work 
of organization, which consequently takes their attention from 
the lesser attraction offered by the saloons. There is not at pre- 
sent to my knowledge a single branch of our organization that 
holds its meetings connected with a saloon. Of course there may 
be such an instance, but if there is I am ignorant of the same. 
Where lodge halls are situated over saloons, there is generally an 
independent passage made whereby the members can reach the 
hall without having to enter by way of the saloon." 



312 APPENDIX. 

Mr. Jacob Sehmalz, secretary of the American Federation of 
Musicians, writes from Cincinnati : " We have not had one mem- 
ber in any penal institution of the country, not one in the work- 
house, . . . not one in the poorhouse, and not one case of matri- 
monial scandal. As a general rule throughout the country our 
branches have separate halls from the saloon, and the tendency 
is favorable to a separation, for the reason that private interests 
do sometimes interfere with that of the union." 

Mr. Frank Detlef, secretary of the "Wood Carvers Associa- 
tion, writes from Brooklyn that about one half of the branches 
of his association meet in places connected with the saloon, but 
adds : " It seems to me that most of our branches would meet in 
places where there is no saloon if it were not for the fact that 
very high rents are charged." 

Very suggestive is the letter of Thomas I. Kidd, secretary of 
the Amalgamated Wood Workers, as follows : " Most of our 
active workers opposed the saloon when they were young mem- 
bers of the organization, but experience with the work of the 
union was responsible for a radical change in their views. It is 
difflcult to secure suitable meeting-places not connected with 
saloons in some way. Many unions meet in halls in the rear of 
saloons, while others meet over saloons. In many instances no 
rent is charged. There has never been any attempt, so far as I 
know, to offset the social influences of the saloon. This institu- 
tion is looked upon by the vast majority of workingmen as their 
club. When out of employment the workingman can get a free 
lunch and meet a congenial soul to cheer him in the saloon when 
there is nothing but discouragement for him elsewhere. Prob- 
ably seventy-five per cent of our unions meet in halls in the rear 
of or over saloons." 

The remaining four unions of Table IV., the Boot and Shoe 
Workers, Hatters, Glass Cutters, and Flint Glass Workers, 
report that no special efforts have been made to counteract the 
saloon influence, although the three first named report scarcely 
any branches that meet in halls connected with saloons. 

We have thus far examined 45 unions, with a total mem- 
bership of 531,804 outside of 137,000 more members of otlier 
branches of the two unions whose chief membership is in Great 



ATTITUDE OF TRADE UNIONS. 313 

Britaiu.i We have seen that almost all the unions have taken 
some steps against the influences of the saloon, and that all but 
one of the unions have probably indirectly exerted a great influ- 
ence in ways likely in the long run to make their members more 
temperate and better citizens. Every union that has been heard 
from has been included. The reports above given cover nearly 
two thirds of the American unions having a national organization, 
and more than two thirds of the membership of such organiza- 
tions, so that the data may be taken as representative, save that 
the unions not heard from are probably less interested in the sub- 
ject than those here represented. 

All who are interested in the general upbuilding of the labor 
movement will surely be pleased to find how much quiet work 
for temperance is being done even among the trade unions, which 
are very naturally organized for and chiefly interested in strength- 
ening their bargaining power with their employers. It has long 
been found that better wages and fewer hours mean better food, 
more education for children, better tenements, better compan- 
ionship, consequently, for the children, more time at home and 
more interest in the home by the husband and father, and in 
every way less temptation to patronize the only place of recrea- 
tion and sociability open to most of the very poorly paid in our 
large cities. 

Edward W. Bemis. 

Bureau of Economic Research, 
Mount Vernon, N. Y, 

1 Since these data were secured the membership of most of these 
organizations has much increased. 



II. 

BOYS' CLUBS. 

The first Boys' Club in America was started in 1876, with the 
organization of the club still occupying rooms at 125 St. Mark's 
Place, New York City. In 1883 the Boys' Free Reading Rooms 
were opened in the same city. The next year the Rev. John C. 
Collins, of New Haven, Conn., organized a club in that city. 
Through his influence others were started in some of the manu- 
facturing towns of New England, about twenty in all. Since his 
plan has been the model of many of the large clubs, particularly 
in New England, it is important in this paper to describe its sa- 
lient features. Any boy in the city could be admitted to the club. 
The paid workers were the doorkeeper, the librarian, and the 
superintendent. During the club session the superintendent of 
necessity walked about the room as a moral policeman. Occa- 
sionally visitors from the various churches came to assist, by play- 
ing games with the boys. Later a few industrial classes, such as 
carpentry, wood carving, cobbling, typesetting, etc., were added. 
A Penny Savings Bank was the leading feature of this sort of 
club. The club was also a field for religious effort on the part of 
the church visitors and the superintendent. The superintendent 
visited the Police Court, often taking charge of boys placed on 
probation, work which in our larger cities is now done by the 
officers of the various children's aid societies. The equipment 
included, among other things, a piano, books, games, and a gen- 
erous supply of tables and benches. It will thus be seen that 
the boys' club of twenty years ago was a very simple affair. It 
should further be added that the type of club to which it belongs 
has not been materially modified. This plan certainly has the 
virtue of being clean-cut, practical, inexpensive, and biisiness- 
like. Mr. Collins estimated that the annual expense of such a 
club would be about ^2000. It has not been difficult, because of 



BOYS' CLUBS. 315 

the very definiteness of such a club, with the programme all 
prearranged, to secure young men of moral earnestness and 
business push as superintendents. Finally, with this plan it is 
possible to have an exceedingly large membership. This in 
itself is a strong feature in the minds of many. 

Of all the clubs patterned after Mr. Collins's plan, the one at 
Fall River has been perhaps the most fortunate. Three years 
ago a building was erected at a cost of $85,000, the gift of a 
mill owner. It contains a reception-room, a reading-room, class- 
rooms, a theatre, a small gymnasium, bowling-alleys, shower 
baths, and a swimming-tank. The educational work includes 
classes in carpentry, printing, cobbling, elocution, and parliamen- 
tary law. The principal sources of amusement for the club are 
the swimming-tank, the gymnasium and bowling-alleys, the game- 
room, and the Saturday night entertainments. The house is open 
every night, and on Sunday afternoon for choral singing. 

The Boys' Club of 125 St. Mark's Place, New York City, is not 
only the oldest, but is also the largest club in America, having an 
enrollment of over five thousand boys. It has therefore influ- 
enced the character of many boys' clubs in New York City. By 
another year this club will have its own house. It will be five 
stories high and elaborately fitted up. Another New York club, 
run on lines somewhat similar, occupies rooms at 112-114 Uni- 
versity Place. This organization, known as the Boys' Free Read- 
ing Rooms, under the auspices of the Loyal Legion Temperance 
Society, was started, to use the language of the society, " to 
provide a counter-attraction to the saloons for the tempted boys 
of the city." The club was organized in 1883. It has 500 
members. New members are selected from a waiting list pre- 
pared by the superintendent. The only dues are " Good be- 
havior ;" the only rule, "Be a gentleman." St. George's Church, 
New York City, has a very well-conducted boys' club of several 
hundred members. The club is composed entirely of boys from 
the Sunday school. It is in this particular a church club. There 
is no religious instruction, however, in the club itself. The boys 
have a constitution, in part originated by themselves. Further- 
more, the greater part of the discipline is in the hands of the 
boys. At eighteen the boys are eligible for the St. George's 



316 APPENDIX. 

Men's Club. In St. Bartholomew's Parish House, New York 
City, there is a boys' club of over 600, composed of boys from 
eleven to eighteen years old. Unlike the club at St. George's, 
boys of all creeds are received. The club, therefore, while sup- 
ported by the church, is by no means a church club. There is 
no religious instruction. The club-rooms, containing a wealth of 
games and reading matter, are in charge of a superintendent and 
two assistants. 

The foregoing examples are fairly characteristic of the various 
types of large clubs and their methods. They are mostly located 
in New York City and the manufacturing towns of New England. 
With the advent of the university settlement, a new plan of club 
came into being. During the past ten years these settlements 
have multiplied very rapidly. Consequently, largely through their 
influence, the majority of boys' clubs throughout the country are 
now being formed on what may be termed the "Settlement Club 
Plan," or on some modification of it. It differs from the old 
plan radically in that the club is always very much smaller. The 
most characteristic plan of the " Settlement Boys' Club " is. this, — 
a group of boys, from seven to ten in number, usually of the same 
gang, therefore of about the same age, all coming from the imme- 
diate neighborhood. Such a group usually meets once a week in 
charge of a leader. Vacancies are filled by election, as it is 
extremely important to get boys together who are congenial. In 
form the group club is thus very simple. Its very simplicity, 
however, gives such a club a wide range of possibility. Games, 
in starting a club, are well enough, also in helping to piece out 
an evening ; but a really successful group club is always held 
together by some serious interest. What this interest shall be 
does not really matter. A person with a loving knowledge of 
almost any subject can gain the interest and enthusiasm of a 
group of boys. It is perfectly certain, for instance, that a great 
deal can be done in such groups with a microscope, provided your 
scientific leader adds to his knowledge enthusiasm and a simple 
reverence for nature. A great many groups of older boys have 
been held together quite easily by theatricals. This interest has 
proved especially successful at Hull House, Chicago, and Den- 
nison House, Boston. Some of the other subjects occupying 



BOYS' CLUBS. 317 

the time of these little clubs successfully are the study of Amer- 
ican history by the picture method, picture pasting, passe-par- 
tout work, the making of hammocks, doll furniture, hemp rope 
mats, etc. » 

The group club, because of its lack of machinery, depends for 
its success upon the personality of the leader. The leader of such 
a group must be intimate but not familiar with his boys ; com- 
panionable and sympathetic but never condescending ; just and 
without partiality, even in little things ; firm but always gentle. 
A group of boys oifers a great moral opportunity to such a person. 
If the leader is interested alike with the boys in what is being 
done, there is just that lack of consciousness which brings about 
the most natural and delightful relationships. It is work done 
together, enjoyed together. Consequently there is a fellowship of 
work. The leader is natural, the boys are natural, and the little 
group meeting, therefore, brings all the charm of intimacy. 

After a while such a leader has the right to call upon the boys, 
for he really knows them and likes them, and they feel friendly 
toward him. He does not go as a " district visitor ; " he visits 
them as a friend. He is received as a friend. Occasionally little 
excursions are planned to some museum or interesting factory, or 
perhaps an outing to the parks or country on a Saturday after- 
noon or a holiday. Thus, in all sorts of little ways the leader 
gradually gets a firm grip upon the boys, and becomes to them 
both friend and guide. 

The whole drift of boys' clubs lately has been towards smaller 
clubs. The legitimate aim of the large club is to keep as many 
boys as possible off the street, giving them a cheerful room, with 
books, games, etc. The aim of the settlement is more personal, — 
to form a small group, and through a refined, tactful leader " with 
a social soul," as one man expressed it, moralize these boys by the 
power of friendship. The group idea, therefore, marks a distinct 
advance in the boys' club movement. 

The old type of club has, however, features of strength which 
should not be lost in the new plan. Tlie esprit de corps of one 
hundred boys, for instance, is different from the esprit de corps 
of ten. A place where a lot of other " fellers " go is fascinating 
to the small boy. The larger club is naturally richer in tradi- 



318 APPENDIX. 

tions. There are the achievements of the baseball nine, the 
orchestra or glee club, the annual picnic or excursion, the summer 
camp, the club yell, and other features which peculiarly belong 
to the big club, all making for tradition, and thus having a ten- 
dency to hold the interest of boys in thrall. Then there are the 
various lessons of cooperation which can be more effectively 
taught in a large club. 

A combination of the big club and group club, therefore, seems 
the wisest form of organization. As a matter of fact, some of 
the large clubs are beginning to sub-divide for special purposes ; 
notably, the Boys' Club at St. Mai-k's Place, already mentioned. 
This club now has 500 boys, divided into small sections, each 
representing separate interests. The plan for the enormous Club 
House which they are constructing includes many group club- 
rooms. On the other hand, many settlements, starting group 
after group, as fit leaders are found, have eventually evolved 
some scheme of confederation : it may be simply to bring all the 
boys together occasionally for games, perhaps preceded bj' a 
business meeting ; or it may be for a monthly entertainment. 

It should be said that lying midway between the large club and 
the group club, there are a great many examples of clubs having 
a membership of fifty, more or less, connected with churches, 
settlements, industrial schools, town halls, or under the manage- 
ment of volunteer workers. For instance, there is a club of 
this sort at tlie Social Union, Cambridge. Another example is 
the Ellis Memorial Club, Carver Street, Boston. There are also 
two at East Side House, New York City, and two at Goodrich 
House, Cleveland. These are only a few of the clubs of this 
type. 

The natural clientage of the boys' club is largely made up of 
boys living in the poor quarters of our great cities, and the bojs 
in factory towns, boys peculiarly dependent upon some such 
scheme for their social well-being. The group club, alone, as 
some critics have pointed out, meeting once a week, does not offer 
a sufficiently steady, consistent influence in the lives of these 
boys. In providing boys' clubs, some place should be furnished 
if possible for the tens of thousands of boys who, as a matter of 
fact, spend nearly every evening outside of their homes. The big 



BOYS' CLUBS. 319 

club open every night, with reading and game rooms, does in a 
measure meet this need. But the settlements go a step farther 
than the large boys' clubs, pure and simple. It seems hardly 
wise, and in the long run not good for the boy himself, to organize 
with him alone in view. The father, the mother, the sister, in 
short, the family, should be taken into account. Boys' clubs have 
frequently been criticised as weaning boys from their homes. 
This principle of making the family the unit of organization is 
growing into a fairly clear and strong conviction in the social 
work movement. The boy has a greater interest and respect for 
his own club when he sees a minstrel show, under the auspices of 
the Young Men's Club, or goes to the theatricals of the Young 
Women's Club, or when he learns that his father has gone to a 
lecture at his club, or that his brother and sister have gone to a 
dance given by their clubs. His own club seems better, and he 
respects it more because he feels the atmosphere communicated 
by all these other functions going on under this same roof. This 
we believe to be the ideal setting for a boys' club. 

We have spoken of the important place the programme occu- 
pies in group clubs. The occupation of boys in large clubs is a 
matter of no less vital concern. The club run merely, "to keep 
the boys off the street," a classic phrase, not only undervalues 
its opportunities, but invites disaster by simply importing street 
conditions. The gymnasium, with its competitive drills and 
indoor meets, its basket ball, boxing, fencing, single stick, etc., 
the theatricals, orchestras, glee clubs, choral singing, minstrel 
shows, military drills, vaudeville entertainments, reading, games, 
— all these and other features have proved important factors to 
the success of many clubs. 

A large interest which, in the estimation of the writer, is a legit- 
imate field of boys' club effort is handicraft work. To this we 
wish to call special attention. Tlie making of baskets, hemp rope 
mats, hammocks, iish nets, scroll saw work, wood carving, and 
many things of a handicraft nature have been taken up, with more 
or less success, in numerous group clubs. Industrial classes were 
planned by Mr. Collins for his club twenty years ago. Of neces- 
sity they were crude. The writer has something in mind a long 
way in advance of all this. St. George's School and the Baron 



320 APPENDIX. 

de Hirsch School, New York City, are examples showing the 
possibilities of this work. At St. George's there is a first-rate 
system of hand work for boys of diflPerent ages. The spirit of 
the school is fine : interesting occupation (always the most effec- 
tive sort of discipline) insures order. The boys are no different 
in appearance or in character from any of the boys found in the 
New York boys' clubs. Indeed, they are excellent types of what 
may be termed the " boys' club constituency." Furthermore the 
splendid fellowship which pervades the place makes it little dif- 
ferent, socially, from a boys' club. 

At Lincoln House there is an ascending scale of creative work 
in arts and crafts, supplementing the gymnasium and the social 
programme of the clubs. Next year this house hopes to have a 
new building of four stories, exclusively for this work. It has 
been found quite as popular here as the gymnasium. 

The boys are attracted to the shops, both at St. George's and 
at Lincoln House, not only because of their interest in making 
things, but because of the aocial spirit which prevails. Teachers 
have been carefully selected with social capacity, as well as 
manual skill, tactful in trusting boys much, wise in building up a 
" shop fellowship " and pride of craft. The work is not work, but 
play. No finer sight can meet the eye than these boys at work. 
Their energy is employed in making things : they are happy. 
The fine glow of enthusiasm from free creative work is on their 
faces. A new dignity is bred, for no boy can make things, real 
to him, without added self-respect. The boys are allowed to 
chatter and laugh as much as they please, so long as they keep at 
work. There is no coercion. Each boy is there because he wants 
to be there. Each boy is eager to show his work, happy when it 
earns praise, — sufficient evidence of its reality for him, of its 
power to mould his spirit. There is another important fact to 
remember : the boys not only like to make things, but they like to 
possess them when made. The value that the boys place upon 
these things is a good criterion of the value of the work itself. 



SUBSTITUTES FOR TflE SALOON IN BOSTON. 321 



in. 

REPORT ON SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 

[This report indicates the sort of material which has formed the basis 
of the preceding chapters.] 

In this report under " substitutes for the saloon " are included, 
first, whatever agencies are meeting one or more of the needs 
and desires to which the saloon ministers, except, of course, the 
appetite for strong drink; and, secondly, by a more liberal con- 
struction of the phrase, such agencies as operate to keep men 
from resorting to the saloon either through preventing them from 
acquiring the saloon habit, or through correcting the habit after 
it has been formed. Therefore, among the " substitutes for the 
saloon " described here are some that in their nature are rather 
deterrent, counteractive, preventive, or corrective than substitu- 
tionary in the strict sense of the word. 

In this report, also, " substitutes for the saloon " are viewed in 
their relations to the saloon and, when possible, from the point 
of view of the saloon. For this reason a few words in regard 
to the saloons in Boston seem necessary by way of introduction. 

In Boston, as in other cities, the saloons fall into various groups 
according to their size, equipment, general appearance, and the 
character of their patronage. 

A bar-room of the lowest grade is usually small, bare, and dingy, 
showing little if any attempt at embellishment. A full view of 
the interior may be had from the street, in accordance with the 
police regulation forbidding obstructions of any sort in the win- 
dows of licensed drinking-places. The floor is sprinkled with 
sawdust, which is allowed to become quite foul before it is re- 
newed. In the limited space outside the bar there is no furni- 
ture of any kind, with the exception, perhaps, of a pile of casks 
in one corner. A shelf at the side of the room or in the extreme 



322 APPENDIX. 

end coutains a bowl of crackers; for every saloon is required by 
its license to supply food with drink on request. In some drink- 
ing-places of this class the dish of crackers may be supplemented 
by dishes of salt fish and pickles, or even a meat stew may be 
served free occasionally. On the wall back of the bar a mirror 
in a showy frame may give a touch of brightness to the place; 
but, as a rule, the only ornamentation consists in the orderly 
arrangements of bottles on the shelves. In the evening the room 
is lighted by a number of flaring, unshaded gas jets. 

Bar-rooms of this general type are to be found chiefly along 
the water front in the vicinity of the wharves, and in the meaner 
quarters of the tenement house districts. They are frequented, 
as one would expect, by the poorer and rougher elements of the 
region in which they are situated. While tliey may have each a 
tolerably well-defined constituency, especially when established 
near the homes of the working people, they can hardly be called 
meeting-places, except for the intimate friends of the proprietor. 
The lack of room outside the bar, together with the absence of 
seats, forbids much loitering. Indeed, one rarely sees in them 
more of a gathering than a line of men ranged along the bar, 
each with a glass of beer or liquor in his hand. During certain 
periods of the day these places are practically deserted. 

But saloons of this general description, which are little more 
than drinking-stands, pure and simple, are less numerous than 
those belonging to the grade next higher. These constitute the 
ordinary bar-rooms of the city, and are distributed through every 
section where the saloon exists. The arrangement behind the bar 
especially is often quite elaborate, mirrors, pictures, and rows of 
bottles containing variously colored liquors combining in a decora- 
tive effect. A hot-water apparatus for suppljang beef tea, simi- 
lar to that in the drug-stores, frequently occupies a prominent 
place. The purpose of the saloon in offering this drink is not, 
as one might suppose, to compete with temperance spas, but to 
enable its customers to gain some additional nourishment in con- 
nection with their beer drinking. A laborer dropping in on his 
way to work might have no appetite for food, and yet feel the 
need of more nourishment than beer contains. In such a case 
a cup of beef tea would be taken along with his glass of beer. 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 323 

The free lunch may not differ essentially from that in the 
saloons of the grade below, or it may include baked beans or 
steamed clams; but iia either case it is served usually with much 
greater neatness. 

In a few saloons of this class one or two tables and several 
seats are provided, which give an air of sociability to the place. 
In rare instances, where the room is large enough, a pool table 
has been introduced through a special police concession. 

Patrons of the saloons of this general character come, for the 
most part, from the ranks of the working people. The man with 
the dinner pail is a frequent figure among them. Many of the 
customers, however, especially where there is a pool table, repre- 
sent that semi-criminal class who have no regular employment. 

A third order of saloons comprises those that are patterned 
more or less after the German model. In these much of the 
floor space is occupied with tables, around which patrons may sit 
and talk, smoke, eat their lunch, and perhaps play cards or other 
games, as well as drink. The free lunch is supplemented quite 
often by a lunch-counter, where sandwiches, sausages, cheese, 
and cold meats are sold at moderate prices ; or, less frequently, 
by a kitchen in an adjoining room, from which a regular meal may 
be had. In two or three of them, by permission of the police, a 
piano or other music is provided as an additional attraction. 

While saloons of this type are comparatively common, they are 
not so numerous as those devoted exclusively to drink. Their 
patronage, on the other hand, is somewhat more varied than that 
of the ordinary bar-rooms, men resorting to them for food as well 
as for liquor. 

Another kind of saloon which is largely represented in Boston, 
unlike the German saloon, is practically without tables and 
chairs, but differs from the usual drinking-place in the richness 
of its decorations and furnishings. Costly mirrors and, perhaps, 
paintings adorn the walls; the ceiling is studded with clusters of 
electric lights ; and the floor is of marble. Drinking-places of 
this class are to be found in the business section of the city and 
along some of the more important thoroughfares, especially in 
the vicinity of the theatres. They are frequented by tlie well-to- 
do and prosperous of the business and sporting worlds, and in 



324 APPENDIX. 

the character of their patronage rank next to the bar-rooms of 
the leading hotels. In these, as indeed in the majority of places 
where liquor is sold, the free lunch is quite insignificant. 

Of the truly magnificent saloon there are but two or three 
examples in Boston. One of these, however, is of so extraordi- 
nary a nature as to deserve a special word. Overhead is a ceil- 
ing of deep concave runs lined with puffed blue satin and sepa- 
rated one from the other by narrow panels of mirrors. The rail 
of the highly polished bar is a huge glass tube filled with artificial 
flowers, in the petals of which gleam tiny electric lights of differ- 
ent colors. On the wall back of the free lunch-counter, which is 
on the opposite side of the room from the bar, is a country land- 
scape, in the middle foreground of which real water flows over 
a miniature dam and turns the wheel of a rustic mill. A sunset 
effect can be produced over the scene by means of concealed 
electric lights. Across one end of the room, and extending 
around the walls of a room adjoining, is a series of stalls separated 
from one another by plush draperies and screens of brass and 
crystal. Each stall contains a mahogany table and several deep- 
seated armchairs. A revolving wheel of colored electric lights 
is reflected in a great mirror opposite, where it produces a 
kaleidoscopic effect. 

But this saloon is interesting not only because of its gorgeous- 
ness, but as the only bar-room in the city where one can make a 
satisfactory meal of the free lunch. Sandwiches, olives, pickles, 
baked beans, crackers, cheese, and cakes, of excellent quality and 
neatly served, may be had in abundance with one's drink. It 
should be said, however, that tlie price of a drink here is greater 
than in most bar-rooms of the city outside the hotels, — a glass of 
beer, for instance, costing ten cents. Moreover, the poor man, for 
whom such a free lunch would have an especial attraction, would 
be out of place in a saloon of this character. Indeed, he would 
not be made welcome, even should he be able to pay for a drink. 

As to the social and recreative opportunities afforded by the 
saloon in Boston, it is apparent that these vary with the character 
of the saloons themselves and their constituencies. 

In saloons of the lowest grade, as has been seen, the social 
element is inconspicuous. The proprietors, of course, are on 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 325 

friendly terms with their customers, as in bar-rooms of every 
class; but loitering is not encouraged, partly for lack of room and 
partly for prudential reasons. Idlers would increase but little 
the financial returns and might cause a disturbance at any time. 
What a saloon-keeper most fears is some disorder in his place of 
business that would attract the attention of the police and lessen 
his chance of a license another year. 

The ordinary bar-room and that of the same general type but 
more richly fitted up are pervaded by more or less of a social 
atmosphere. Patrons are permitted to linger and, in the few in- 
stances where a pool table is provided, are expected to do so. 
But saloons of this general order are drinking-places first and 
last, as the almost universal absence of seats shows; and unless 
there is a pool table, customers remain but little longer than the 
time necessary for consuming their beer or other drink. 

The only saloons that afford any real opportunity for fellowship 
are those of the German type. Here, as in other licensed drink- 
ing-places, however, occasional patronage of the bar is the un- 
written law. One with no glass or an empty glass before him 
would soon be made to feel unwelcome. But for the price of a 
few drinks a man may pass a comfortable evening in company 
with his friends and acquaintances, which is not possible in any 
other kind of saloon. 

With few exceptions, no saloon in Boston has additional rooms 
on the same floor or on the floor above in which liquor may be 
served. The " screen law," by requiring that the windows of 
every licensed drinking-place shall be unobstructed, would take 
away all privacy from such rooms on the ground floor. The ex- 
ceptions are two or three saloons in the West End which have 
upstairs rooms for women, it being forbidden by a police rule to 
sell drinks over a bar to women. So far as can be learned, no 
saloon has connecting rooms which are rented to clubs, lodges, or 
societies of any kind. The various labor organizations and politi- 
cal clubs all meet in rooms apart from bar-rooms. 

Few of the Boston saloons make any special provision for the 
amusement of patrons. In one or two, as has been said, music 
is provided when space warrants it; in several a pool table has 
been introduced; and a slot-machine or a "ticker" may be found 
here and there among others. 



326 APPENDIX. 

The bar and its appurtenances are relied on mainly by a major- 
ity of saloons for drawing in customers. In the case of the Ger- 
man saloons the lunch-counter or restaurant reinforces the bar. In 
no bar-room is an entertainment possible or allowed. The police 
regulations restricting the social opportunity of the saloon re- 
strict at the same time its recreative opportunities, and for the 
same reason, — to preserve order and quiet. 

The increasing exactions of employers in regard to the char- 
acter of their workmen, on account of industrial competition, 
have taken away from the saloon almost completely its oppor- 
tunity for securing work for its patrons. Indeed, the recommen- 
dation of a saloon-keeper would rather lessen than increase a 
man's chance of employment, especially in those industries re- 
quiring a clear head and steady nerves. Until within a few 
years the saloon-keepers supplied from among their customers 
most of the help to the breweries of the city, but now the brew- 
eries employ only union men. ■ Thus in no sense can the saloons 
in Boston be called labor exchanges. 

In passing in review the " substitutes for the saloon " in Bos- 
ton, one naturally begins with drinking fountains, stands for the 
sale of non-alcoholic beverages, and temperance spas; for these 
seem to compete directly with the saloon on its own special 
ground of meeting the demands of thirst. It should be borne in 
mind, however, that there are two kinds of thirst: the natural 
thirst, which may be satisfied in the ordinary way, and the morbid 
craving for alcoholic stimulant. The temperance drinking-place 
and the saloon, therefore, are rivals only on the ground of sup- 
plying the natural desire for drink; at the point where the saloon 
begins to minister to the morbid appetite for liquor, the rivalry 
between the two ceases. Nevertheless, whatever provides an 
oppoi'tunity for quenching thirst outside the saloon is an impor- 
tant temperance agency. 

Thirty-two drinking fountains are maintained at public expense 
during the summer. These are placed at convenient points 
throughout the city. A year ago an apparatus for chilling the 
water was connected with each fountain and operated for the 
entire season. This apparatus consists of an underground tank, 
through which the pipes joining the water main to the taps are 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 327 

passed in many coils. When ice is packed in about the pipes, the 
temperature of the water flowing through them is reduced by 
many degrees. Probably nothing that Boston has done for the 
people has given so much comfort and satisfaction, for the expense 
involved, as this offering of " a cup of cold water." 

Unfortunately, however, the city government which came in 
at the beginning of last year has made no appropriation for sup- 
plying ice to the tanks, with the exception of one hundred dollars 
to be used in this way on the Fourth of July. Thus a drink of 
cold water has been placed in the same category of municipal 
luxuries with fireworks ! 

In addition to the city drinking fountains, several ice water 
fountains are maintained by private philanthropic enterprise at 
points where great crowds congregate or pass. 

The places where non-alcoholic drinks are on sale are almost 
innumerable and of all possible descriptions. Every drug-store 
has its soda fountain, from which a variety of cooling drinks are 
dispensed in the summer time. Most drug-stores are supplied 
also with an apparatus for serving hot chocolate and beef tea 
when the weather is cold. With few exceptions the candy and 
fruit stores, of every grade down to even the sidewalk booths, 
include among their furnishings a soda fountain, or at the very 
least a " cooler " for bottled ginger ale, birch beer, and " tonic." 
A number of out of door stands for the sale of lemonade and 
temperance beverages are erected each summer in the business 
portions of the city. Two temperance spas on Washington Street 
rival in their appointments the most elegant of the bar-rooms in 
the city. Great fountains of marble, with rows of silver taps, 
and surmounted by mirrors, tower up behind the long marble- 
topped counters or bars; the walls and ceiling are richly deco- 
rated, and the floors are of marble. An almost endless variety 
of refreshing and delightful drinks, hot and cold, is offered to 
the thirsty. The bars, however, divide the enormous patronage 
of these places with the extensive and well-furnished lunch-coun- 
ters, which occupy the greater part of the place. 

The prices of the ordinary " soft drinks " are surprisingly uni- 
form throughout the city. A glass of soda water, for instance, 
ia five cents nearly everywhere. In a few of the candy and fruit 



328 APPENDIX. 

stores in the poorest parts of the city it may be had for three 
cents, or even two cents. Ice cream soda varies in price from 
fifteen cents to five cents. Last year the Salvation Army made 
the experiment of selling lemonade at a minimum price of one 
cent a glass, the purchaser being allowed to pay whatever he 
wished over and above this. It was found that while the demand 
was very great, the receipts, had each purchaser paid only the 
regular charge, would have fallen short of the expenditures. In 
other words, good lemonade could not be furnished profitably at 
so small a price. 

Next in point of apparently direct rivalry with the saloon are 
the lunch-rooms and restaurants where one may obtain food with- 
out coming in contact with liquor selling. The direct competition 
of these places with the saloon, however, is even more restricted 
than that of the drinking fountains and temperance spas of various 
kinds. Although all bar-rooms provide a free lunch, their purpose 
in this, aside from compliance with the terms of their license that 
food shall be served with liquor on request, is not to compete with 
temperance eating-places, but to enable customers to drink the 
more, it being a well-known physiological fact that one can con- 
sume a larger amount of liquor in a given time if he accompanies 
his drinking with eating. Moreover, the free lunch itself is com- 
posed, as a rule, of such articles of food as especially induce thirst, 
and with few exceptions is of the simplest description ; often 
consists merely of a bowl of crackers or pop-corn. Where very 
much more than this is demanded a lunch-counter from which 
food is sold has been introduced, or a fully equipped restaurant 
is carried on in connection with the bar. It is with these lunch- 
counter and restaurant saloons, which are comparatively few in 
number, that temperance eating-places are competing directly. 
And yet what was said of the non-alcoholic drinking-stands may 
be said, in substance, of the temperance lunch-rooms and res- 
taurants. In keeping men in search of food from going where 
liquor is sold, they are serving as " substitutes for the saloon." 

Temperance eating-places are almost as numerous and varied 
as temperance drinking-places. Indeed, many of the candy and 
fruit stores of the lower grades, which sell soda and tonic, make 
a pretense of serving food, especially on Sundays. This is done. 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 329 

mainly, however, to come within the law permitting Sunday open- 
ing, very little if any food being sold. 

Small and low-priced lunch-rooms abound in all parts of the 
city, excepting, of course, the more prosperous residential sections. 
In any of these eating-places a sandwich or a piece of pie or three 
good-sized doughnuts may be had for five cents. Coffee and milk 
are five cents a cup or glass. A plate of beans or a small meat pie 
costs ten cents. Still lower prices obtain in the cheap restaurants, 
which are to be found along some of the main thoroughfares and 
in the poorer lodging-house districts. In these a " combination " 
breakfast or supper may be had for fifteen or even ten cents; a 
" seven-course dinner " for twenty-five cents. Special dishes also 
are offered at correspondingly low prices : a boiled dinner for 
ten cents; three eggs with bread, tea or coffee, ten cents; pudding, 
five cents. One of the largest and most successful of these low- 
priced establishments is carried on in connection Avith a mission 
at the West End. The room itself, which is below the line of the 
sidewalk, is bare and dingy. There is no attempt at decoration 
save a few scriptural mottoes on the walls. The floor is thickly 
covered with sawdust, and the deal tables are without cloths. 
Cleanliness, however, is noticeable in the preparation and serving 
of the food. Here the charges are absurdly small when the size 
and quality of the " orders " is taken into account. A large dish of 
oatmeal and milk costs five cents ; a pint bowl of coffee with bread 
and perhaps a doughnut, five cents; a boiled dinner, including 
bread, coffee, and pudding, ten cents. As many as eighteen hun- 
dred men have been fed here in the course of a single day. Low 
as the prices are, the place is self-supporting and provides, in 
addition, the funds for carrying on the mission, including the 
rent of the rooms and the salary of the superintendent. 

The bread, cake, and pastry served in these cheap lunch-rooms 
and restaurants are uniformly of a good quality, coming from 
great central bakeries. Careful milk inspection keeps the milk 
sold in any part of Boston well up to legal requirement. If oleo- 
margarine is used, it has been purchased outside the State, its 
sale within the borders of Massachusetts being forbidden by law. 
In the mission lunch-room described the bread and cake are the 
slightly stale product of one of the best bakeries of the city; and 



330 APPENDIX. 

the coffee is what has been left over in the various coffee-houses 
conducted or supplied by the Oriental Coffee Co. 

It does not appear that the temperance eating-places are re- 
garded as rivals by the saloons with the possible exception of 
those carrying on a lunch-counter or restaurant. The saloons 
compete with one another to some extent on the basis of the free 
lunch, but evidence is wanting to show that they, as a rule, 
are trying to compete with the temperance agencies for supply- 
ing food. Indeed, it seems to be true that the saloons understand 
too well their own distinct field — that of meeting the demand for 
alcoholic stimulant — to fear seriously the encroachment upon it 
of the temperance lunch-room and restaurant. 

None of the temperance eating and drinking places afford the 
social and recreative privileges of many of the saloons. The reasons 
of this are not far to seek. Hunger and natural thirst are soon 
satisfied, while the morbid desire for spirituous liquors increases 
with indulgence. Therefore, the proprietor of a soda fountain or 
a lunch-room, unlike the saloon-keeper, would have nothing to 
gain by inducing his customers to remain. Then, too, soda water 
and ginger ale lack that stimulating quality of alcoholic beverages 
which promotes the feeling of sociability and good fellowship. 
As a result, one does not care to linger long after he has finished 
his " soft " drink or eaten his food. Indeed, to sit around a table 
in the ordinary lunch-room or restaurant for an entire evening 
would give neither excitement nor pleasure. 

Other agencies that in some way are offsets to the saloon are 
free reading-rooms, coffee-rooms, boys' and men's clubs, the pub- 
lic library, the Young Men's Christian Association, the Boston 
Young Men's Christian Union, and the two great workingmen's 
organizations, — the Wells Memorial and the People's Institute. 

A number of free reading-rooms have been opened in church 
buildings and mission rooms. Although well situated and quite 
attractive, they draw in but few outside the church or mission con- 
stituencies. A certain large mission reading-room in the midst of a 
saloon district is often without other occupant than the attendant. 
On the other hand a detached reading-room on Hanover Street, 
the main thoroughfare between the centre of the city and East 
Boston, and lined with saloons, is filled afternoon and evening 



I 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 331 

with readers of the sailor and laboring classes. Like the church 
and mission reading-rooms this is supported from private sources. 

A reading and recreation room is maintained by one of the 
social settlements in a tenement house neighborhood thickly 
dotted with saloons. Here games as well as papers and maga- 
zines are provided, and the men are permitted to smoke and keep 
on their hats. About fifty men, all of whom are saloon patrons, 
resort regularly to this place, while the total number of visitors is 
much larger. 

Besides the reading-rooms privately supported and controlled, 
there are the spacious newspaper, periodical, and general reading- 
rooms of the Boston Public Library, which are frequented by great 
numbers of men, women, and children. Sixteen of the twenty- 
eight outposts of the Library have reading-rooms connected with 
them, scattered throughout the city. 

Four so-called " coffee-rooms " are conducted by the Church 
Temperance Society, one at Roxbury Crossing, one on North- 
ampton Street, and two in South Boston. They were started 
and are still carried on in avowed rivalry with the saloon. 
Originally, coffee could be had in them, but so small was the 
demand for it that its sale was finally discontinued. At the 
present time the rooms are merely attractive gathering-places, 
free to all, where smoking is permitted and lectures and enter- 
tainments are given at frequent intervals. During the summer 
months they are closed. 

Boys' and youths' or men's clubs are connected with each of the 
six social settlements in the city. There are also numerous un- 
attached clubs which are more or less self-managing. These 
independent organizations are especially common among the 
Jews at the North End. All of tliem are preventive or deter- 
rent agencies as regards the saloon, keeping their members from 
forming the saloon habit or furnishing those with whom it has 
become established with interests rivaling those of the bar-room. 
It should be said in this connection, however, that the Jews, as a 
race, have but little to do with the saloons. Although moderate 
drinking is quite common among them, it is carried on, for the 
most part, in the club or home. Until within a few years no Jew 
participated, at least directly, in the saloon business. At the 



332 APPENDIX. 

present time there are several Jewish saloon-keepers in the city. 
One of these has two bar-rooms near together, one under his Ger- 
man name and one under its English equivalent, and employs 
Irish bartenders to cater to the Irish trade and Scandinavians 
to draw in that of their countrymen. At Christmas time he 
decorates both places in a manner appropriate to the season. 

A detailed description of the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion is unnecessary, as the objects and methods of the organiza- 
tion are so well known. The membership fee is two dollars a 
year, and entitles the holder to enter the evening classes, admits 
him and one friend to the course of twelve entertainments, and 
offers him the privilege of the library, reading-room, recreation- 
room, parlors, religious meetings, lectures, members' monthly 
meetings, trade discounts, and a summer camp. Ten dollars 
extra a year admits him to the gj^mnasium. The age qualifica- 
tion is fifteen years, and there is no religious test of membership. 
The rooms are open from eight in the morning until ten at night, 
including Sundays, excepting morning church hours. The total 
membership is about 3500. There is a branch of the Association 
in Charlestown with a membership of between 300 and 400. 

The Boston Young Men's Christian Union is similar in aims 
and methods to the Association. The fees, however, are some- 
what less, membership costing one dollar a year instead of two, 
and the additional charge for the use of the gymnasium after 
seven o'clock in the evening being four dollars and, at all times, 
seven dollars, instead of uniformly ten dollars. The building 
also is more centrally located, in the business portion of the city ; 
and the membership is of a more widely representative character. 
The total number of members is about 5500. 

Wells Memorial Institute carries on a work essentially similar 
to that of the Association and the Union, with the exception that 
it has no distinctively religious aim. Its rates, moreover, are 
cheaper and its membership is composed wholly of laboring peo- 
ple. Its avowed purpose is " to furnish workingmen the means 
of social intercourse, mutual helpfulness, mental and moral im- 
provement, and rational recreation." Membership privileges are 
now extended to women. The normal membership is 2000. The 
building itself, situated in the South End, is equipped with read- 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 333 

ing, recreation, and class-rooms, lecture halls, library, bowling- 
alley, baths, and restaurant. 

By the payment of one dollar a year any man or woman with 
a trade or occupation may enjoy all the privileges of the Institute, 
with the exception of some of the educational and industrial 
classes, for which a small additional fee is charged. A Medical 
Aid Association and a Benefit Society, the latter for assisting its 
members financially when ill, are among the special organizations 
connected with the Institute. 

The People's Institute in Roxbury is under the same manage- 
ment as the Wells Memorial and aims, therefore, to furnish social 
advantages and intellectual opportunities for the thrifty class of 
working people. With a similar outfit to the parent institution 
it offers many of the same privileges. The number of members 
is about 1250, of wliich more than 400 are women. 

A system of extensive and beautiful parks lies within and about 
the city. Unfortunately, however, the nearest of these parks is 
far beyond walking distance from the homes of great masses 
of the people. Although ten cents, the price of a round trip by 
trolley car, is not a large sum in itself, it cannot easily be spared 
by those whose income often fails to meet the expenses of the 
barest sort of existence. But charity often provides the car fares 
necessary to enable the very poor to escape for a little while 
from the close and crowded neighborhoods in which they live 
to the fields and woods a few miles away ; and each summer 
the Elevated Railway issues a great number of free tickets for 
the same purpose. The bicycle has solved the difficulty for those 
above the grade of the very poor ; and every pleasant summer 
evening thousands of young men and women resort to the parks 
for recreation and pleasure. 

Two large parks are privately controlled and have been fitted 
up as business enterprise's in connection with car lines running 
out of the city. Here no liquor is sold, and a great variety of 
excellent out of door attractions is offered at trifling expense to 
the seekers of amusement. 

As long ago as 1866 the sum of $10,000 was appropriated by 
Boston for " suitable places in South and East Boston and the 
city proper for salt-water bathing during the ensuing summer 



334 APPENDIX. 

months." Six localities were selected — five for floating-baths 
and one for a beach bath. At the present time the system of 
out of door baths comprises five beach baths, twelve floating- 
baths, two river baths, and two swimming-pools. These are so 
distributed that no considerable quarter of the city is without its 
local bathing establishment. Some of them, because of their situ- 
ation or the conveniences that they afford, have a patronage from 
far beyond their immediate neighborhood. The L Street bath in 
South Boston, for instance, situated as it is on a beautiful natural 
beach, and easily reached by electric cars from all sections of 
the city and suburbs, draws from every part of Greater Boston. 
This seaside bath was the first municipal bath opened in the 
United States. A long, low frame structure provides a great num- 
ber of dressing-rooms, and an adjoining building is fitted up with 
hundreds of lockers for the use of boys. These buildings, together 
with a high board fence at each end, extending well out into the 
water, effectually shut in the bath from all outside observation. 

Next in point of popularity to the L Street bath is the bath 
at the North End Park. A flat-roofed, solidly constructed build- 
ing running along the westerly side of the park contains the 
dressing quarter for men and boys. On the easterly side of the 
park is a bath-house for women and girls, so that bathing in the 
open water is permitted to both sexes at the same time. Five 
thousand bathers in a single day is not an uncommon number at 
this bath ; while at the L Street bath the daily attendance has 
occasionally reached 15,000. The total number of visitors at all 
the out of door baths during the season of 1898 was 1,900,000 
and of 1899, 2,003,000. 

Besides the summer baths there is an all the year round bath 
on Dover Street, and combined baths and gymnasiums in East 
Boston, South Boston, the South End, Roxbury Crossing, and 
at the Charlesbank at the West End, — the latter under the 
charge of the Metropolitan Park Commission. The Dover Street 
bath is a simple but imposing structure, 43 x 110 feet, three 
stories in height, and constructed of granite and brick. The 
bathing apartments are on the second floor. The apartment for 
women is completely shut off from that for men, and has its own 
waiting-room and street entrance on the floor below. There are 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 335 

thirty sprays and three tubs for men and eleven sprays and six 
tubs for women. Although but one cent is charged for a towel 
and one cent for a piece of soap, and bathers are allowed to bring 
their own supplies, more than one hundred dollars have been 
received for these articles in a single week. This indicates the 
extent to AVhich the bath is patronized. In fact nearly 300,000 
men, women, and children use this bath each year. 

The exercise hall of the gymnasium and bath in East Boston is 
one hundred feet long and eighty feet wide, and is well supplied 
with gymnastic apparatus. One corner may be shut off by mov- 
able partitions for hand-ball. In the bathing department there 
are eleven sprays with dressing-quarters and lockers. Two days 
a week the entire building is reserved for women and girls. 

Adjoining the South Boston gymnasium and bath is an area of 
cleared land, under the control of the city, which in time will be 
laid out in separate athletic fields for men and women. The 
building itself is of wood, in the English Gothic style of architec- 
ture. Here there are 1200 lockers and eighteen spray baths. 
A swimming-tank under a separate roof is a part of the original 
plan and will be added sooner or later. 

The gymnasium and bath at the South End was originally 
a mission chapel, and that at Roxbury Crossing is still used as 
a ward room. Both have been fitted up and opened to the pub- 
lic within the year. 

None of the agencies described are doing more to counteract 
and lessen the influence of the saloon than these baths and gym- 
nasiums. Aside from what they are doing to promote public 
health, which of itself would constitute them " substitutes for the 
saloon " in the free interpretation of the phrase, they provide a 
variety of social and recreative opportunities to the very class 
most susceptible to the enticements of the saloon, and furnish a 
new and powerful motive not only to moderate instead of exces- 
sive drinking, but to total abstinence; for even an occasional 
glass of liquor interferes with gymnastic training. Instances are 
numerous where a man in his desire to excel in some line of ath- 
letics has given up all drinking, for a time at least. 

Statistical evidence as to the effect of public baths and gymna- 
siums upon the saloon is not to be had; but the evidence of obser- 



336 APPENDIX. 

vation is not wanting. The police of East Boston, for instance, 
say that since the opening of the gymnasium in that division 
there has been a marked diminution in lawlessness. Instead of 
collecting at street corners and annoying passers-by, the young 
men in large numbers resort to the gymnasium and the baths. 
Moreover, their minds are diverted from plotting mischief and 
are turned to new and better channels. 

And yet the saloon-keepers seem to be quite indifferent to the 
possible inroads upon their business of these agencies. As a mat- 
ter of fact, the proprietor of two saloons was largely instrumen- 
tal in securing the gymnasium for South Boston, and is still its 
stanch supporter. This is but another illustration, however, of 
what has already been said as to the indifference of the saloon to 
all so-called "substitutes." The morbid appetite for liquor the 
saloon can depend upon, and so long as it is allowed to minister 
to that, it does not concern itself seriously about deterrent, coun- 
teractive, or corrective agencies. 

Temperance societies of all kinds are to be found in the city, and 
should be numbered among the preventive and corrective substi- 
tutes for the saloon. The order of Good Templars is represented 
here by nineteen lodges, and that of the Sons of Temperance 
by five Division Meetings. Other organizations are the New 
England Department of the Church Temperance Society, with 
branches in many Episcopal churches; and the Unitarian Tem- 
perance Society, which has branches in churches and Sunday 
schools of that denomination. Both of the last-named societies 
aim to discover and remove the cause of intemperance, as well 
as to reform the intemperate. There is also a Catholic Total 
Abstinence Union comprising fourteen societies. Most of them 
are joined directly to some church of the Roman Catholic faith 
and constitute a part of its organization. Two or three are 
branches of the Father Mathew Total Abstinence Society. 
Reform clubs are numerous, some of which are connected with 
Protestant churches and missions or have an independent ex- 
istence. An important children's organization, under the direc- 
tion of the W. C. T. U., is the Loyal Temperance Legion, whose 
members pledge themselves to abstain from the use of alcoholic 
drinks and tobacco, and from pirofanity. Companies of the Legion 
meet in churches and homes. 



SUBSTITUTES FOR THE SALOON IN BOSTON. 337 

The most directly aggressive temperance work is carried on by 
the rescue missions and the Salvation Army. Whatever may be 
thought as to the methods of these agencies, the correctness of the 
principles upon which they proceed must be conceded. To recover 
from deep-seated habits of intemperance, a man must undergo 
a change so radical that it can be likened only to a " change 
of heart." "Conversion " is the most exact term for expressing 
philosophically as well as religiously the process by which a 
confirmed drunkard regains self-control and a new manhood. 

But while the rescue missions and the Salvation Army are act- 
ing on the right hypothesis, they fail of such results as this 
might lead one to expect. Indeed, their efforts are more or less 
ineffective, at least in the long run, excepting in an isolated case 
here and there. 

A review of the substitutes for the saloon in Boston brings out 
with more or less clearness the secret of the saloon's power. This 
does not consist, as a superficial observer might suppose, in the 
social and recreative opportunities of the saloon; for, as has 
been seen, many saloons are lacking in such opportunities. In- 
deed, some saloons are almost devoid of them. On the other 
hand, many places where one might find more or less opportuni- 
ties of a social and recreative nature are patronized but little by 
the frequenters of the saloons. The secret of the saloon's influ- 
ence consists in the opportunity which it affords for procuring 
alcoholic drink. Take away from the saloon its bar, or, more 
exactly, extract from its beverages all trace of alcohol, and at 
once it ceases to be a saloon. The secret of its power is gone. 
A " temperance saloon " is and can be but an imperfect substi- 
tute for the saloon. 

Therefore, if the saloon is to be abolished from a community, 
this must be done by the working together of restrictive and sub- 
stitutionary agencies, the former stripping it of all incidental 
enticements, and the latter drawing out, encouraging, and giving 
support to all tendencies that lead away from strong drink. 

William I. Cole. 
Kellogg Durland. 

South End House, 
Boston. 



IV. 

SUMMARY OF REPORTS FROM TEN REPRESENTATIVE CITIES. 

[Note. The following outlines of the reports give only statistical 
information. The full and detailed reports made for the committee 
are stripped wholly of inference, deduction, comment, generalization, 
and description, much of which has been embodied in the main chap- 
ters of the volume. Moreover, not all existing substitutes have been 
tabulated in each city, but only those most characteristic or most 
efEective.] 

ATLANTA (Spring, 1899). 

The report for Atlanta was made by and under the direction 
of Rev. Frank E. Jenkins. 

The population is 89,872, or with the suburbs about 120,000. 
There are 106 saloons, — 87 whiskey saloons, 19 beer saloons. 
There are boundary limits beyond which only beer licenses may 
be granted. 

The wbiskey limit on Decatur Street is Butler Street ; on 
Marietta Street is Foundry Street. The license for whiskey 
saloons is $1200, and for beer saloons S500. Saloon-keepers are 
allowed to have these five cold articles of food on a counter or 
sideboard: cheese, crackers, pretzels, bologna, and pickles. No 
hot article of food can be had. Some saloons provide reading- 
matter. 

The following table indicates the principal features of the 
Atlanta saloons : — 

Saloons selling to white trade only 27 

Saloons selling to Negro trade only 2 

Saloons selling to mixed trade, Negro and white . . . » . 77 

Saloons serving Negro and white, same bar 9 

Saloons serving Negro and white, separate bar 21 

Saloons providing lunch 19 

Saloons having chairs and tables 48 

Saloons with reading-room connected 1 



REPORTS FROM CITIES. . 339 

SUBSTITUTES. 

There are 54 lodges, 30 trade unions, a few social clubs, seven 
missions, of which one, the Barclay Mission, has a reading-room, 
and one, the Beacon Light, a " Laboring Men's Bureau," and 
the y. M. C. A., which has in the railroad department 300 men 
enrolled. 

There are 134 lunch-rooms, — 94 conducted by Negroes, and 
40 by whites. Of soda fountains there are 77, — 65 conducted by 
whites and 12 by Negroes. These lunch-rooms and light drink 
establishments present no more social features than are found iu 
similar establishments in the North. There seem to be no special 
restaurants for workingmen or temperance coffee-houses. 

The number of lodging-houses of all kinds is 100, of which 
90 are for white people and 10 for Negroes. Careful inquiry 
showed that : — 

Of the 90 white lodging-houses 49 have social rooms, 24 permit 
card-playing, and 33 are for laboring men. 

There are also a number of public pool-rooms not connected 
with saloons. Other substitutes appear in the tables which fol- 
low : — 



340 



APPENDIX. 





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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 341 

BALTIMORE (July, 1899). 

A report of the conditions in Baltimore was made for tbe com- 
mittee by Mr. William L. Ross, of Johns Hopkins University. 

A careful division was made between the social agencies of the 
white and colored people. Further discrimination was made 
between temperance places and those where liquor might be 
obtained. 

The population of Baltimore is 508,957. 

The present number of saloons of all classes (1899) is as fol- 
lows : saloons and restaurants, 1889; clubs, 48; wholesale stores, 
66; groceries, 35; hotels, 48; totals, 2080. 

The principal attractions of the Baltimore saloons are free 
lunch ; baseball and other sporting news ; newspapers, both daily 
and weekly ; music boxes ; occasionally dancing and singing ; 
graphophones ; moving pictures ; tables and chairs. Free lunch 
is abundant. Gambling is not at all uncommon. Many saloons 
have small gardens furnished with tables and chairs, where many 
men spend the hot summer days and evenings. 

Two sections of Baltimore are in sore need of substitutes. The 
southeast end of the city lying along and east of Broadway and 
south of Baltimore Street. Some good institutional work here 
could accomplish much. Perhaps it might be started with boat- 
ing as the feature and broadened gradually. Still more urgent 
are the needs of the colored quarter which may be said to centre 
at Druid Hill Avenue and Oxford Street. The best plan would 
be to acquire a large clubhouse with reading-room and gymna- 
sium. With the right kind of a manager this could not fail to do 
much good among the colored population of the city. 

SOCIAL SUBSTITUTES. 

These are indicated in the following tables : — 



342 



APPENDIX. 









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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



347 



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O c4 



348 APPENDIX. 

BUFFALO (Summer, 1899). 

The investigation in Buffalo was made by Messrs. Walter 
Brown, Arthur Williams, Ludovic Jones, and Rev. C. J. Davis, 
under the direction of Mr. Frederick Almy, of the Charity Organ- 
ization Society, and by Mr. Levon Tchorigian under the direction 
of Westminster House. 

The present population of the city is 352,219, which includes a 
large foreign population, — Germans, Poles, Irish, and Italians. 

The saloons vary. The Italian saloons are clean and orderly. 
The German and Polish saloons sell chiefly beer, and little drunk- 
enness is visible. The police say that not one fifth of the arrests 
in the German districts are due to liquor. Billiard and pool 
tables are common in the saloons, but not much reading is done. 
Certain well-known club saloons have gambling rooms attached. 
Licensed drinking clubs occur on the East Side, and are worse 
than saloons. Worst of all are the music halls, the public dis- 
grace of the city, located on the East Side and on and near Canal 
Street. 

The following tables indicate the chief substitutes existing in 
the city : — 



REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



349 



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APPENDIX. 







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, services, 
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is,library,etc. 
rary, etc. . . . 




1 








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room . . . . 
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sual to Y.M.C. 
lubsandclassei 
young men, a 
uU settlement 
indergaitenaii 

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classes, clubs, 
lieap meals an 
ecreationroon 
ymnasium, lib 
eading-room. . 
hiefly a Gospe 
ublic reading- 
oung Men's 1 

reading-room 


Library, smokiii 
Men's and youn 
Several clubs. . . 


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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



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352 APPENDIX. 

CHICAGO 1 (September, 1899). 

The investigation in Cliicago was made by Royal L. Melendy, 
of Chicago Commons. 

The saloon in Chicago is the most cosmopolitan of iustitutions. 
It differs in different portions of the city : in the workingmen's 
district, being a centre of social life ; in the business district, 
offering a place for appointments ; in the suburban districts often 
acting as a family rendezvous. 

The seventeenth may be taken as a representative ward of the 
working people, and the following enumeration of its attractions 
suggests why the saloon has become the club of a vast number of 
workingmen : — 

Number saloons 163 

Offering free lunches Ill 

Offering- business lunches 24 

Supplied with tables 147 

Supplied with papers 139 

Supplied with music 8 

Supplied with billiard tables 44 

Supplied with stalls 56 

Supplied with dance halls 6 

Allowing gambling 3 

Eighty churches are doing institutional work among men by 
means of clubs, outdoor sports, gymnasiums, and reading-rooms ; 
the Y. M. C. A. does similar work. There are eight hundred 
and twenty-three lodges offering infrequent social amusement, 
and there are club-rooms in four of the halls of the one hundred 
and twenty-six local organizations of the trade unions. There 
are twelve social settlements located in the most congested dis- 
tricts of the city. 

The following tables give certain statistics concerning saloons 
and substitutes in Chicago : — 

1 This report was printed in full in the American Journal of Sociology, 
Nov., 1900, and Jan., 1901. 



REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



353 



Police Precinct. 



I.. 

II.. 

III.. 

IV.. 

v.. 

VI.. 

VII.. 

VIII.. 

IX.. 

X.. 

XL. 

XII.. 

XIII.. 

XIV.. 

XV.. 

XVI.. 

XVII.. 

XVIII. . 

XIX.. 

XX.. 

XXL. 

XXIL. 

XXIIL. 

XXIV.. 

XXV.. 

XXVL . 

XXVII. . 

XXVIII. . 

XXIX. 

XXX.. 

XXXL. 

XXXIL. 

XXXIIL, 

XXXIV.. 

XXXV. 

XXXVL. 

XXXVIL 

XXXVIIL 

XXXIX. 

XL. 

XLI. 

XLIL 

XLIII. 

XLIV. 



Population. 



7,591 
26,490 
63,772 
73,000 
66,000 
37,500 
31,200 
12,500 

20,000 
60,000 
52,500 
38,000 
36,000 
65,000 
4,000 
84,100 
30,000 
55,500 
30,000 
129,472 
49,918 
75,000 
70,000 
45,080 



42,593 
39,172 
58,000 
30,000 

110,000 
94,635 
75,000 
50,000 
43,000 
18,000 
83,642 
63,738 
65,000 
60,000 
50,000 
20,000 
11,000 



418 
195 
247 
307 

7 



19 

78 
62 
42 
76 
222 

128 
29 
168 
114 
321 
173 



6 

9 

363 

199 

113 

63 

365 

275 

175 

90 

43 

23 

329 

204 

129 

180 

54 

41 

10 



Total 
Patronage. 



216,875 

57,500 

33,011 

52,543 

500 

1,500 



1,250 
24,600 
23,300 

2,4.50 
16,775 
43,660 

38,700 
4,175 
43,025 
37,880 
69,1.50 
9,000 



750 

2,700 

6,495 

34,.550 

23,575 

13,755 

45,975 
37,300 
21,850 
14,300 
11,000 

1,485 
37,190 
20,400 

8,113 
24,825 

7,700 

3,1.50 
700 



Average 
Attend- 
ance. 



519 
295 
1.34 
171 

71 

300 



66 
315 
376 

60 
221 
197 

240 
160 
256 
332 
215 
54 



125 
300 
179 
267 
209 
218 

126 
133 
125 

159 
2.56 

60 
113 
100 

68 
138 
143 

77 

88 



Number 
Arrests, 
Drunks, 

per 
Month. 



23 
44 

25 
32 



4 

105 

1 

2 
29 

21 

29 

71 



1 

24 
9 

106 
1 



229 



61 

42 

3 



354 



APPENDIX. 



4 


ooor^ooGO 
1-1 


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o ^ 

in £ 

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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



355 







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356 APPENDIX. 

The investigator in Chicago made a special study of lodging- 
houses. He visited 85 houses having accommodations ranging 
from 3 to 475. Only 2 had accommodations for as many as 
400, and only 1 for a number exceeding that. The prices charged 
for accommodation also covered a wide range, — from 5 cents to 
^1 a night. The most common charges, however, were 10 cents 
and 15 cents : 30 places had a 10-cent minimum, 20 a 25-cent, 
and 12 a 15-cent minimum. For exceptions there were 5 that had 
a 5-cent minimum, 3 that charged 50 cents, and 2 that were free. 
The sanitary conditions of the boarding-houses were generally 
reported good ; in only 11 cases were they described as bad, and in 
17 liquor was reported as being for sale. 

CLEVELAND (December, 1899). 

The investigation in Cleveland was made by Mr. Starr Cad- 
wallader, of the Goodrich House Social Settlement. 

Cleveland has 381,708 inhabitants, and 1978 saloons, open 
eighteen to nineteen hours out of every twenty-four. The fol- 
lowing lists show some of the attractions offered by the saloons : 

Common features : Free lunch ; tables ; chairs ; cards ; music 
boxes. 

Frequent attractions : Dice ; bagatelle ; pool ; billiards ; vari- 
ous gambling devices ; vocal and instrumental music ; dances ; 
cake walks and clog dances. 

Substitutes for the saloon appear in the following tables : — 



REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



357 



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358 



APPENDIX. 



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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 361 

DENVER (April, 1899). 

The report of the saloon in Denver and of the social substitutes 
offering recreation to the people was made by Robert T. Walker, 
Colorado College. 

The attractions which the saloons of Denver offer, beyond the 
sale of liquors, may be summed up briefly as follows : (1) Socia- 
bility and company. (2) Shelter and warmth. (3) Food, as 
provided by the free lunch. (4) Amusements, such as billiards, 
bowling, music, etc. The strength of the Denver saloon lies in 
the first attraction. The number of saloons varies, increasing in 
times of prosperity. During the period of the gold excitement, 
the mining towns sent large embassies to Denver, but now the 
saloons rely for their profit almost exclusively on home patron- 
age. 

Denver has a population of 133,859, and has 324 saloons. 
Some of the substitutes are set down in the following tables : — 



362 



APPENDIX. 



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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 365 

MINNEAPOLIS AND ST. PAUL (December, 1899). 

The report for these cities was compiled by Professor F. L. 
McVey, of the University of Minnesota. 

The combined population of Minneapolis and St. Paul is 
366,350. In neither city are there large slum areas, and in both 
certain restrictive liquor laws are fairly well enforced. In Min- 
neapolis the system of high license prevails. The license fee is 
^1000, which has reduced the number of saloons to 336. St. Paul 
has a certain number of prohibitive districts, increased from time 
to time by action of the City Council, until at present there are 
ten such districts covering about forty per cent of the city. 
There are 298 saloons, most of them situated in the central part 
of the city. The total number of saloons for both cities is 634. 

270 saloons have tables, from 1 to 15 in number ; 217 have card- 
rooms, from 1 to 9 in number ; 52 have gambling machines. 

The free lunch is elaborate in 3 saloons ; excellent in 8 ; good 
in 50 ; fair in 88 ; poor in 77 ; 56 saloons provide no free lunch ; 
the rest simply crackers and cheese. 

Of the 634 saloons in both cities, about 330 belong to the poorer, 
200 to the medium, and the remainder to the higher class. The 
total patronage for both cities approaches 87,750 daily. 

The following form of schedule was used for saloon data : — 

1. City and date Minneapolis, Oct. 28, 1899. 

2. Name of saloon. 

3. Location 725 Third Street, S. 

4. Character of neighborhood . Semi-residential. 

5. Interior — furnishings . . Meagre. 

6. Character of pictures . . . Objectionable. 

7. Tables — number .... Four. 

8. Number of card-rooms . . Two. 

9. Gambling machines. . . . None. 

10. Billiard tables None. 

11. Free lunch — kind .... None. 

12. Class of men in saloon. . . Workingmen. 

13. Estimate of business done . 340.00. 

14. Time of visit Two p. m. 

15. Name of recorder .... George H. Bragdon. 

The social substitutes for the saloon consist of a few clubs, 
three settlements, three model lodging-houses, the Y. M. C. A., 
and a few churches and missions. The following tables summa- 
rize these substitutes : — 



366 



APPENDIX. 







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370 APPENDIX. 

NEW YORK (Summer, 1899). 

The report from which the following tables are drawn was 
made by Mr. Francis H. McLean, now general secretary of the 
Montreal Charity Organization Society. 

Of the New York saloons in general it may be said : — 

1. That the interior furnishings are not as a rule elaborate. 

2. That the Irish or stand-up type of saloon is holding its own 
against the German saloon with tables and chairs. 

3. That the free lunch is not of great variety or abundance. 

4. That the Raines Law has increased the danger of immorality 
in the lower class of saloons. 

5. That the amount of excessive drinking in New York has 
been on the decrease during the past twenty-five years. 

COMPARATIVE NUMBER OF ARRESTS FOR DRUNKENNESS,^ 
1874 AND 1898. 





Total, including 








Disorderly Conduct. 


Male. 


Female. 


1874 


40,777 


27,203 


13,574 


1898 


22,981 


17,526 


5,455 



The population of New York doubled within these years. If 
the ratio of arrests to population had been maintained, the arrests 
in 1898 must have approached 80,000. This decrease of arrests 
cannot be explained by less rigor in the enforcement of the law. 
It indicates a falling off in excessive drinking. 

^ These figures are taken from the Annual Report of the Board of 
City Magistrates of the City of New York, October 31, 1898. 



REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



371 



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372 



APPENDIX. 



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en, women, and 
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neighborhood, 
biefly German. 

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Companies. 
particular nation- 
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the evening, 
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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



373 



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374 



APPENDIX. 



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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



375 



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SSK ^ oS 



376 APPENDIX. 

PHILADELPHIA (Spring, 1899). 

The report for Philadelphia from which the data here given 
are taken was compiled by Mr. E. S. Meade, of the University of 
Pennsylvania. 

Philadelphia has 1,293,697 population. The effect of the 
Brooks Law, which makes the annual license fee one thousand 
dollars, has tended greatly to reduce the number of saloons in 
Philadelphia in spite of the increase of population. This de- 
crease in number has so lessened competition that the social 
attractions are comparatively few and even the free lunch is in- 
ferior in quantity and quality to that of the saloons of other 
cities. 

Substitutes for the saloon are indicated by the following 
tables : — 



i 



REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



377 



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378 



APPENDIX. 



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REPORTS FROM CITIES. 



379 



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380 



APPENDIX. 







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C/2 



REPORTS FROM CITIES. 381 

SAN FRANCISCO (March, 1899). 

The report for San Francisco was prepared by Mr. Dane Cool- 
idge, a graduate student of Stanford University. 

San Francisco has a population of 342,782. The number of 
saloons is given as 3032, or one to every 115 of the population. 
In addition, practically all of the 328 restaurants and hotels in 
the city serve liquor. Any merchant may sell liquor by the 
bottle, pitcher, or case without an additional license, and liquor 
dealers whose sworn sales amount to less than -SGOO per quarter 
are not required to pay a license fee. The fee for a retail dealer 
making sales of less than 815,000 a quarter is $21. From this it 
may be seen how little restriction is placed upon the distribution 
of liquor. This has a bearing upon the saloon question. The 
saloons are not so much drinking places, for those abound every- 
where, as social centres where men may gather in the evening 
and drink and treat in a social way. 

The free lunch is a remarkable feature of the San Francisco 
saloons. The following summaries will furnish some idea of its 
abundance and variety : — 

1. Cold lunch free loith a Jive-cent drink (beer or wine) : cold meat, 
sausage, salad, cheese, bread, pickles, crackers, etc. 

2. Hot lunch free with a fve-cent drink (beer or wine) : clam 
chowder, roast beef and other meats, hot Mexican beans, mutton 
stew and vegetables. 

3. These hot and cold lunches combined free with a five-cent 
drink. 

4. Two serves of the hot lunch free with a ten-cent drink. 

5. " A Hot Commercial Lunch," or " Regular Dinner " of from 
three to five courses, together with any five-cent drink, for fifteen 
cents, or with any fifteen-cent drink, straight or mixed, for twenty- 
five cents. 

The subjoined tables indicate some of the existing substitutes 
for the saloon : — 



382 



APPENDIX. 



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DIAGRAMS ILLUSTRATING DISTRIBUTION OF SALOONS. 

The following diagrams show the number and location of 
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388 



APPENDIX. 



5eCtiom or 



BUFFALO. N.>;^^^ 

1^ 



^^.-^ 







VI. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

American Charities. Amos G. Warner. T. Y. Crowell & Co. 

A Municipal Programme. Macmillau & Co., 1900. 

An Experiment in Altruism. Elizabeth Hastings. Macmillan 
& Co. 

A Practical Socialism. Canon and Mrs. S. A. Barnett. Long- 
mans, Green & Co., London. 

A Ten Years' War. Jacob A. Riis. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 

A Wonderful Factory System. Ohio Labor Statistics, 1896. 

Bulletins 46, 52, 55, United States Department of Agriculture : 
Dietary Studies in New York, Pittsburg, and Chicago. 

Club-Land of the Toiler. T. S. Peppin. J. M. Dent & Co., 

London. 
Commons, The. A monthly record devoted to aspects of life and 

labor. Chicago Commons, Chicago. 

Diminution of Drink in Norway. Earl of Meath. Nineteenth 

Century, 1891, pp. 933-938. 
Drink Problem and its Solution, The. David Lewis, 1881. 
Drink Question, its Social and Medical Aspects. Dr. Kate 

Mitchell. Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1891. 

Economic Aspects of the Liquor Problem. Houghton, Mifflin 

&Co. 
English Poor, The. T. Mackay, 1899. 
English Social Movements. R. A. Woods. Scribner's Sons. 

Factory People and Their Employers. E. L. Shuey. Lentilhon 
& Co., New York. 



390 APPENDIX. 

Facts and Figures for Social Reformers. W. Tweedie & Co., 

London. 
Food and Drug Inspection. Report of the Massachusetts State 

Board of Health, 1896. 

Gothenburg System of Liquor Traffic, The. E. R. L. Gould. 

Fifth Special Report of the Commissioners of Labor, 1893. 
Gothenburg System of Public House Licensing, The. Church of 

England Temperance House Society, 1893. 

Housing Problem, The. Eighth Special Report of the Commis- 
sioners of Labor, 1895, E. R. L. Gould. Monographs on 
American Social Economics in our American Cities, The, Law- 
rence Veiller. Municipal Affairs Magazine, 1899, E. R. L. 
Gould. 

How the Other Half Lives. Jacob A. Riis. Charles Scribner's 
Sons. 

How the Poor Live. Pictorial World, London, 1883. 

Hull House Maps and Papers. T. Y. Crowell. 

Influence of the Liquor Traffic. Twenty-Sixth Annual Report 
of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor. 

Legislative Aspects of the Liquor Problem. Houghton, Mifflin 

& Co. 
Life and Labor of the People in London. Charles Booth. Mac- 

millan & Co., London, 1889-97. 

Municipal Baths in Boston. W. I. Cole. 

Municipal Movements and Social Progress. Monographs on 
American Social Economics. 

Neighborhood Guilds. Dr. Stanton Coit. Swan Sonnenschein & 

Co., London. 
New York Charities Directory. 
Norwegian Company System, The. Why should Massachusetts 

adopt and test it ? Geo. H. Ellis, Boston, 1895. 
Norwegian System, Report on the. Massachusetts House Doc. 

No. 192, 1894, pp. 187. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 391 

Philanthropy and Social Progress. T. Y. Crowell. 
Popular Control of the Liquor Traffic. E. R. L. Gould. The 
Friedenwold Press, Baltimore. 1895, pp. 102. 

Religious Movements for Social Betterment. Josiah Strong, 

D. D., 1901. 
Report of the New York Tenement House Commission, 1901. 

Salvation Army, The Social Relief Work of. Commander Booth 
Tucker. Monographs on American Social Economics. 

Social Settlements. C. R. Henderson. Lentilhon & Co., N. Y. 

Social Wreckage. Francis Peek. William Isbister, London. 

Substitutes for the Saloon in Boston. Francis G. Peabody. The 
Forum, July, 1896. 

Temperance Caterer, The. London, Eng. 

Temperance Movement in Russia, The. Nineteenth Century 

Magazine, vol. v., 12, p. 439. 
Temperance Problem and Social Reform, The. Rowntree and 

Sherwell. Thomas Whittaker, N. Y. 
Temperance Refreshment House Movement. British Almanac 

Companion, 1880, pp. 38. 

Universities and Social Reform, Tlie. J. Knapp. Rivington, 
Percival & Co., London. 

Working People's Clubs. Robert Graham. Lentilhon & Co., 
New York. 

Young Men's Christian Associations, History of. H. S. Ninde. 
Monographs on American Social Economics. L. L. Doggett, 
Ph.D. 



INDEX. 



Amusements, indoor, 156-186 ; outdoor, 

1S7-215. 
Art galleries, 123, 184, 185. 
Art, necessity of, 123, 124. 
Association for Improving the Condition 

of the Poor, 274, 277. 
Astral Apartments, the, 285. 
Athletic clubs, 49, IGl, 343. 
Atlanta, summary of report from, 338- 

340 ; saloons in, 17, 338 ; tlieatres in, 

340 ; parks in, 198, 340 ; luncli-rooms in, 
339 ; lodging-houses in, 339 ; Y. M. C. A. 
in, 339. 

Baltimore, summary of report from, 341- 
347 ; baths in, 212 ; saloons in, 14, IG, 

341 ; reading-rooms in, 120, 121, 344 ; 
church work in, 344 ; clubs in, 342, 343 ; 
theatres in, 345 ; pool-rooms in, 15(3, 
347 ; settlements in, 345 ; libraries in, 
341 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 142, 344 ; trade 
unions in, 343 ; fraternal societies in, 
343; parks in, 195, 34(5 ; tenement houses 
in, 2G9 ; mission work in, 344 ; model 
lodgings in, 297, 298. 

Barnardo, T. J. 245. 

Barnett, Canon S. A., 82. 

Baseball, 188, 205. 

Baths, public, 207-215, 2G8, 283, 333-335. 

Beer gardens, 20, 187, 197. 

Beneficiary societies. See Fraternal So- 
cieties. 

Bicycle clubs, 50, 205. 

Billiard-rooms, 15C-159, 347 ; in parish 
houses, 131. 

Boston, report from, 321-337; saloons in, 
16, 29, 321-.32G, 337; popular concerts in, 
178, 179; gymnasiums in, 179-183, 204, 
334-336; coffee-houses in, 220, 221, 
331; playgrounds in, 190, 191, 199-201, 
208 ; lunch-rooms in, 231, 329, dSO ; 
baths in, 207-210, 213, 214, 333-3;S ; 
clubs in, 97, 331 ; soda fountains in, 
217-219, 327, 328 ; ice water fountains 
in, 219, 326, 327 ; free lectures in, 107, 
109 ; boys' clubs in, 317, 318, 320, 331 ; 
tenement houses in, 271, 272; billiard- 
rooms in, 157 ; lodging-houses in, 292 ; 
reading-rooms in, 330, 331 ; Public Li- 
brary in, 331 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 332 ; tem- 
perance societies in, 33G ; Salvation 
Army in, 328, 337 ; parks in, 333. 

Bowling-alleys, 158. 



Boxing matches, lGl-163. 

Boys' clubs, 47, 48, 74, 75, 76, 77, 188, 
314-320, 341, 360, 365 ; beginnings of, in 
America, 314 ; large clubs, plans of, 314- 
316 ; cost of, 315 : aim of, 317 ; advan- 
tage of, 318 ; industrial classes in, 314, 
315, 319, 320 ; settlement clubs, 316- 
320 ; aim of, 317 ; advantage of, 317 ; 
leader of, 316, 317 ; relation of, to the 
home, 319 ; relation of, to other clubs, 
319. 

Brewers, relation of, to the saloon, 7, 18, 
100, 326. 

British Tea Table Co., 246. 

British workingmen's public houses, 245, 
24(3. 

Brooks Law, 376. 

Buffalo, summary of report from, 348- 
351 ; saloons in, 348 ; clubs in, 349 ; trade 
wiions in, 61, 349 ; fraternal societies 
in, 349 ; church work in, 128, 350 ; set- 
tlements in, 350 ; mission work in, 350; 
restaurants in, 351 ; lodging-houses in, 

351 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 350, 351 ; baths in, 
212 ; tenement houses in, 269. 

Canteen, the, 258, 259, 265. 

Carnegie libraries, 38. 

Charlesbank gymnasium (Boston), 204. 

Cliester, Bishop of, 259 sq., 2(34, 265. 

Chicago, summary of report from, 352- 
356 ; church work m, 128, 352 ; frater- 
nal societies in, 352 ; trade unions in, 

352 ; settlements in, 352 ; theatres in, 
354 ; lunch-rooms in, 230, 355 ; lodging- 
houses in, 293, 356 ; free lectures in, 
107 ; pai'ks in, 196 ; coffee-houses in, 
226 ; baths in, 214 ; clubs in, 52 ; boys' 
clubs in, 48, 317 ; billiard-rooms in, 156, 
158 ; saloons in, 8, 12, 14, 18, 23, 27, 48, 
352, 353; Y. M. C. A. in, 142, 143, 145; 
tenement houses in, 269, 271. 

Church, the, 229, 238, 344, 345, ,350, 352, 
3(37, 377, 378, 382, 38;? ; the modern con- 
ception of, 125 ; relation of, to social 
needs, 125, 12(1 ; Roman Catholic, 127 ; 
Protestant, 127, 128 ; institutional, 127 ; 
the parish house, 129 ; gymnasiums, 
129 ; reading-rooms, I'M, 131, 330 ; social 
rooms, 131 ; clubs, 131, 132, 133; boys' 
clubs, 315, 316 ; lodging-houses, 2'.)5, 
291! ; settlements, 133 ; missions, 132, 
133 ; relation of, to the home, 270 ; 



394 



INDEX. 



Church Army, the, 221, 222; Church 

Temperance Society, the, 211), 237, 238, 

257, 33G. 
Cincinnati, saloons in, 14 ; parks in, 109 ; 

baths in, 214 ; police lodgings in, 290 ; 

tenement houses in, 271 ; clubs in, 50 ; 

church work in, 128. 
City and Suburban Houses Co., 285-288. 
Cleveland, summary of report from, 35(1- 

3li0 ; saloons in, 12, 350 ; clubs in, 357, 

358 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 357 ; church work 
in, 128, 357-359 ; boys' clubs in, 318, 

359 ; reading-rooms in, 359 ; libraries 
in, 113, 359; evening schools in, 359; 
clubs in, 357, 358 ; lunch-rooms in, 359, 

360 ; factory lunch-rooms in, 239-242, 
3(50 ; lodging-houses in, 360 ; coffee- 
houses in, 239 ; tenements in, 269. 

Clubs, 45-100, 156, 342, 343, 349, 357, 
362, 377, 382 ; genesis of, 46 ; liquor in, 
50-53, 86, 87, 89 ; defects in, 70 ; federa- 
tion of, 75, 76, 78-80 ; among wage ear- 
ners, 80, 81, 342, ;«3 ;philan«liropic, 90- 
100 ; necessity of, 45, 46, 96 ; church, 
131, 132; athletic, 49, 161; and the 
home, 267, 268. 

Club-rooms, need of, 46, 52, 60, 61, 63, 
72-75, 89, 160, 312. 

Cocoa-rooms in Kngland, 245. 

Coffee-houses, American, 216-229, 230, 
257, 331, 363 ; necessity of attractions, 
220, 221 ; finances of, 223, 224. 

Coffee-houses, English, 244-257 ; in York, 
250 ; in London, 247, 252, 253 ; in Liver- 
pool, 246, 248, 250,251, 252 ; in Man- 
cliesSer, 248, 249 ; in Bradford, 240, 250, 
251, 252 ; in Birmingham, 240, 251 ; in 
other cities, 249 ; furnishings of, 249, 
250 ; amusements in, 250 ; service in, 
250, 251 ; Sunday closing, 251 ; bever- 
ages in, 251, 252 ; food in, 252, 254, 255 ; 
drink in, 253, 254 ; success of, 255, 256 ; 
finances of, 255 ; religion in, 255 ; busi- 
ness management, 256 ; results of, 256. 

Coffee palace movement, 245. 

Coffee vans, 238. 

Company system, the, 33, 34. 

Concerts, popular, 178, 179. 

Cooking classes, 220 ; importance of, 228. 

Cooper Union, 108, 115, 116, 121, 142. 

Corbett, Thomas, 245. 

Denver, summary of report from, 361- 
364 ; saloons in, 361 ; clubs in, 362 ; trade 
luiions in, 31J2 ; boys' clubs in, 362 ; fra- 
ternal societies in, 362 ; libraries in, 
362; reading-rooms in, 117-119, 362; 
parks in, 105, 363 ; theatres in, 363 ; 
lunch-rooms in, 231, 233, 3(54 ; lodging- 
houses in, 292, 364 ; batlis in, 214 ; bil- 
liard-rooms in, 156 ; tenements in, 269. 

Detroit, parks in, 194. 

Dietary, investigation, 228 ; instruction, 
228, 220. 

Dime museums, 163, 164. 

Dispensary System, the, 31-33. 

Drink, attractions of, 1, 3, 216, 217, 337. 

Druid Hill Park (Baltimore), 124. 



East Boston Athletic Club, 94, 180. 

Education, 101-124, 185 ; intemperance 
and, 101, 102 ; need of, 102 ; teachers, 
102, 103 ; aesthetic, 123, 124, 185 ; mu- 
sical, 124, 177 ; the saloon and, 124 ; in 
Y. M. C. A., 141 ; dramatic, 177, 178 ; 
cooking, 228, 220. 

Educational Alliance (N. Y.), 108, 121, 
180, 100, 205. 

Elmira Reformatory, 40, 41. 

England, substitutes in, 36 ; temperance 
and coffee houses in, 243-2(56 ; indus- 
trial monopoly of liquor traflSc, 258 ; in- 
temperance in, 256 ; temperance reform 
in, 256 ; tenements and drunkenness in, 
277 ; workingmen's clubs in, 83-88, 97, 
98. 

Excursions, 79, 86, 201, 202. 

Expropriation, necessity of, 280. 

Factory methods, modern. 9(5-100, 112, 
113, 120, 121 ; luncli-rooms, 240-242, 
3(50 ; liquor monopolies, 258 ; em- 
ployees, homes of, 270. 

Fall River Boys' Club, 315. 

Franklin Institute (Philadelphia), 121. 

Fraternal societies, 63-69, 250 ; number 
of, 64 ; development of, 64 ; social fea- 
tures of, 65-67 ; saloon and, 68, 69, 325 ; 
relation to liquor business, 67, 68; in- 
fluence of, 69. 

Gambling, in saloons, 14, 15 ; in billiard- 
rooms, 158 ; at baseball games, 205. 

Glasgow, People's Palace in, 184 , tene- 
ment regulations of, 280 ; working- 
men's hotels in, 296. 

Golden Gate Park, 192-194. 

Great Western Cooking Depot, 245. 

Gymnasiums, 129, 141, 186 ; in Boston, 
170-183, 335, a36; municipal, 181, 182; 
benefits of, 183, 202, 203 ; outdoor, 202- 
205. 

Halls, social, 159, 160 ; intoxication in, 
KiO ; need of, for club-rooms, 312. 

Hartley House, 38. 

High license, method of, 28-30. 

Hill, Miss Octavia, rent-collecting scheme 
of, 283, 284. 

Hirsch, Baron de, fund, 211. 

Historical museums, 185. 

Hollywood Inn, 91-03. 

Home, the, 45, 71, 111, 114, 116, 187, 228, 
267, 268, 288, 289, 319. 

Home Salon, the, 226, 227. 

House of Commons, reports of, 36, 37. 

Housing of the working people, 267-301. 

Ice water fountains, 192, 219, 220, 326, 

327. 
Improved Dwellings Company, 285. 
Ireland, coffee-houses ui, 247. 
Irish Temperance League, 246, 247. 

Jersey City, saloons in, 37 ; substitutes 

in, 38. 
Juvenile crime, 181, 191, 209. 



INDEX. 



395 



Kindergartens, 101, 287. 
Kiugsley House, 38. 
Kop's Ale, '225, 252, 263. 

Lectures, free, 105-111, 368, 379 ; libra- 
ries and, 107, 109 : finances and, lO'J, 
110; educational value of, 110, 111. 

Legislative restrictions of the saloon, 25- 
35,40. 

Libraries, 111-114, 119, 359, 362, 3G8, 373, 
379 ; as saloon substitutes, 111 ; im- 
proved inetliods. 111, 112, 114 ; branch, 
112 ; park, 113 ; traveling, 113 ; circu- 
lating, 114. 

" Lighthouse," the, 94, 95, 360. 

Liquor problem, solution of, 26, 40, 265, 
337. 

Liquor traffic, state control of, 31-33, 
257 ; government control of, 35, 257 ; 
private reform, control of, 257, 258 ; in- 
dustrial monopoly of, 258 ; municipal 
monopoly of, 40, 265. 

Lodging-houses, 289-301, 351, 360, 364, 
358, 363 ; police lodgings, 290, 291 ; mu- 
nicipal, 291 ; cheap, 291-294 ; mission, 
294, 295; church, 295, 296; model, 
295-301. 

Low license, method of, 27, 28. 

Lunch-rooms, 216, 229-242, 334, 343, 347, 
363, 368 ; as saloon rivals, 230, 231, 235, 
238, 328, 330. 

Lunch wagons, 237, 238. 

Lyceums, Catholic, 127, 344. 

Maine, intemperance in, 31 ; lack of sub- 
stitutes in, 31. 

Massachusetts, saloons in, 8, 12 ; Civic 
League, 190. 

Memphis, parks in, 196. 

Metropolitan Park Commission, 200, 201. 

Mills Hotels, 248, 257, 296, 299-301. 

Minneapolis, St. Paul, summary of report 
from, 365-369 ; saloons in, 8, 365 ; clubs 
in, 366 ; boys' clubs in, 366 ; fraternal 
societies in, 366 ; trade union in, 366 ; 
church work in, 367 ; Y. M. C. A. in, 
367 ; mission work in, 367, 369 ; settle- 
ments in, 365, 367 ; night schools in, 
104, 368 ; libraries in, 368 ; theatres 
in, 308 ; parks in, 194, 352 ; lunch- 
rooms in, 369 ; lodging-houses in, 295, 
3('>9 ; tenements in, 269. 

Missions, 134-138, 345, 350, 351,360,367, 
378, 383 ; rescue, 134 ; manual labor in, 
134, 135 ; for sailors, 135, 136 ; reading- 
rooms in, 117, 136, 330 : restaurants in, 
235 ; lodgings in, 294-296. 

Municipal liquor control, 40, 265; lodg- 
ing-houses, 291 ; resorts, 200, 201 ; 
transportation, 281 ; meeting-places, 
72, 73. 

Music, educational value of, 124. 

Music halls, 1&5, 348. 

Nantasket Beach (Boston), 200. 
National Cash Register Company, 98- 

U)0. 
New Haven, saloons in, 14 ; trade unions 



in, 59; boys' club in, 314 ; coffee-house 
in, 221. 

New Orleans, saloons in, 17, 18 ; tene- 
ments in, 269, 270. 

New York, summary of report from, 
370-372 ; saloons in, 10, 12, 15, 16, 21, 
22, 30 ; substitutes in, 38 ; drunken- 
ness in, 370 ; playgrounds in, 190, 
202 ; parks in, 189, 190, 196 ; baths in, 
211; clubs in, 81, 97, 267; billiard- 
rooms in, 157 ; boys' clubs in, 315, 316, 
318, 320 ; trade unions in, 59, 62, 63 ; 
tenement houses in, 272-279 ; recrea- 
tion piers in, 206, 207 ; libraries in, 113- 
115, 373 ; free lectures in, 105-108, 356 ; 
ice water fountains m, 219, 220 ; the- 
atres in, 374 ; lunch-wagons in, 237, 
238 ; police lodgings in, 290, 291 ; 
cheap lodging-houses in, 293, 375 ; 
model lodging-houses in, 295, 296, 
299-301 ; coffee vans in, 238 ; coffee- 
houses in, 222, 257 ; evening schools in, 
103, 104 ; churcli work in, 128, 129. 

North End Park (Boston), 208, 331. 

Norumbega Park (Boston), 199. 

Norway, substitutes in, 36, 244:. 

Norwegian System, the, 33, 34. 

Ohio Mechanics' Institute, 121. 
Outdoor Recreation League, 190, 202, 203. 

Paine, Robert T., Co., 285. 

Parks, public, 187, 191, 192-198,333,340, 
346, 363 ; private, 197-200. 

Pemisylvania, saloons in, 8. 

People's Choral Union, the, 124 ; sing- 
ing classes, 124. 

People's Institute (Boston), 333. 

People's Institute (N. Y.), 81, 108, 121. 

People's Palaces, in England, 184, 185; in 
America, 185. 

People's Refreshment House Association, 
England, 259-266 ; administration of, 
261,262; food and drink in, 262-264 ; 
criticisms of, 264, 265. 

Philadelphia, summary of report from, 
376-380 ; saloons in, 16, 376 ; baths in, 
212 ; parks in, 197, 198 ; boxing matches 
in, 161 ; clubs in, 50, 133, 377 ; religious 
work in, 378 ; educational work in, 
379; billiard-rooms in, 1!57 ; lunch- 
rooms in, 380 ; free lectures in, 107, 109 ; 
lodging-houses in, 298, 299, 380 ; libra- 
ries in, 114. 

Picnic grounds, 199-201. 

Pittsburg, substitutes in, 38 ; tenements 
in, 270, 271. 

Playgrounds, 74, 187-192, 268, 283. 

Pleasure resorts, 192, 201, 346. 

Political clubs, 54, .343. 

Pohtics and the saloon, 10, 11, 54. 

Pope Manufacturing Company, 98. 

Popular opera, 174, 175. 

Population of cities, 39. 

Portland, saloons in, 31. 

Prohibition, 2, 30. 31, 257. 259, 265, 26G. 

Prospect Union (Cambridge), 121, 122. 

Public squares, 192, 196. 



396 



INDEX. 



"R," The, 94, 377. 

Raines hotels, 15. 

Randidge fund, the, 201. 

Rapid tiaiisit and the tenement house 
problem, 281. 

Reading-rooms, 114-120, 330, 332, 357, 
3S3 ; as a saloon substitute, 115 ; best 
methods of, 117 ; in churches, 130 ; in 
mission.?, 117, 13G, 138 ; in settlements, 
154, 180. 

Recreation piers, 20G, 207, 268. 

Restaurar.ts, 10, 20, 220-242, 256, 257 ; 
and liquor selling, 231 ; as social cen- 
tres, 232, 233 ; as saloon rivals, 230, 
234, 235 ; in missions, 235. 

Revere Beach (Boston), 200,201. 

Riis, Jacob A., 267, 278. 

Roof gardens, 197, 205. 

Rowton Houses, 247, 248, 297 

Russia, sub-stitution in, 35, 36 ; tea tav- 
erns in, 243. 

Saloon, the, as a pocial centre, 1-24, 25, 
27, 41, 42, 118, 194, 196, 312, 337, 353, 
376, 381 ; the poor man's club, 8, 9, 25, 
45, 48, 265, 312; lowest type of, 5; 
Irish, 6, 7-19 ; pictures in, 7 ; furni- 
ture in, 8, 321 ; cosmopolitanism of, 8 ; 
as labor bureaus, 9, 325 ; as athletic 
clubs, 10 ; as political clubs, 10 ; as 
amusement resorts, 12, 22-24, 164- 
167,185,186,324; card-playing in, 12; 
newspapers in, 12, 13 ; music in, 13, 
23, 206 ; sporting news in, 13, 14 ; 
gambling in, 14, 30 ; free lunch in, 15- 
19, 228, 229, 231, 234, 230, 257, 321, 
324, 370, 376, 381 ; toilet-rooms in, 19 ; 
location of, 26, 42, 38G, 387, 388 : Conti- 
nental, 9 ; social vice in, 15, 30 ; busi- 
ness men's, 20, 22 ; boulevard, 20, 21 ; 
German, 20,22,323; Italian, 20; Hun- 
garian, 20 ; Polish, 20 ; number of, 
26 ; private control of, 30, 33, 34 ; the- 
atres in, 23, 104-167. 

Saloon-keeper, the, 1, 10-12. 

Saloons in the North, 17 ; in the South, 
8, 17 ; in the West, 8, 14, 18, 22, 24 ; in 
the East, 14, 22 ; in the Southwest, 119. 

Salvation Army, the, 136-138, 295, 328- 
337. 

San Francisco, summary of report from, 
381-385 ; saloons in, 18, 19, 27, 381 ; 
baths in, 214 ; parks in, 192-194 ; clubs 
in, 81, 382; boys' club in, 76, 382 ; reli- 
gious work in, 383 ; theatres in, 384 ; 
lunch-rooms in, 231, 385 ; tenements ui, 
269. 

Sanitary aid societies, 279. 

Sanitary code, 280. 

Sanitary reform, 279, 280. 

Sanitation, need of, 268. 

Scandinavian System the, 33, 34, 259. 

School buildings, use of, 74, 104, 105, 189; 
playgrounds and, 190. 

Schools, lO'J ; mimicipal evening, 103-105, 
359, 368, 379 ; trade, 121 ; industrial, 123, 

Screen law, the, 12, 29, 321, 325. 

Secret societies. See Fraternal Societies. 



Settlements, 63, 77, 78, 113, 114, IIC, 127, 
133, 148-155, 207, 229, 236, 284, 331, 345, 
350, 367, 378, 383 ; and temperance re- 
form, 148 ; influence of, 149 ; and adult 
men, 150-153 ; boys' clubs in, 316-320 ; 
entertammeuts, 151 ; and substitution, 
154, 155. 

Seward Park (N. Y.), 190, 202, 203. 

Shooting-galleries, 158, 163. 

Socialists' clubs, 55, 50 ; and the saloon, 
56. 

Social Reform Club (N. Y.), 81. 

Soda fountains, 217-219, 327, 328, 339. 

Soft drinks, 42, 43 ; value of, 216, 217 ; 
profit on, 225 ; in English coffee-houses, 
251-253, 256, 262, 263. 

Squares, public, 196. 

Squirrel Inn (N. Y.), 257. 

St. Louis, saloons in, 10, 14, 18, 22, 28 ; 
Provident Association, 123. 

Streets as social centres, 187, 188 ; as 
playgrounds, 188. 

Substitution, 5, 35-44 ; drink and, 42, 43, 
133, 194, 195, 197, 200 ; cooperation in, 
42 ; financial aspects of, 39, 40 ; saloon- 
keepers and, 41, 183, 330 ; philanthropy 
and, 39, 41 ; settlements and, 153, 155. 

Suburban houses, 288 ; resorts, 200. 

Sunday closing ordinance, 195. 

Sweden, substitution in, 244. 

Tea saloons, 220, 222. 

Tea taverns in Russia, 243. 

Temperance in England, 256. 

" Temperance Caterer, The," 248, 252. 

Temperance drinks. See Soft Drinks. 

Temperance hotels in England, 247, 248, 
257. 

Temperance houses in England, 243-266. 

Temperance societies, 256. 

Temperance taverns, 220-266. 

Tenement House Building Co., 285. 

Tenement House Commissions, reports of, 
273, 274, 276, 282, 283. 

Tenement houses, problem of, 269 ; in 
American cities, 269-279; overcrowd- 
ing in, 273, 274 ; double-decker, 274 ; 
loss of economic efficiency in, 275 ; 
mortality in, 275, 276 ; immorality in, 
276 ; poverty In, 276 ; drunkenness in, 
276, 277 ; relation of saloons to, 277 ; 
expropriation, necessity of, 281 ; licens- 
ing, 280, 281 ; rent collecting in, 283, 
284. 

Tenement houses, model, 284-288 ; 
finances of, 285 ; in Europe, 285 ; in 
America, 285-288 ; description of, 286, 
287 ; rent collection in, 287. 

Theatre, the, 164^178, 340, 346, 363, 368, 
374, 384; and the saloon, 164-167; 
for the working people, 167, 168 ; in 
France, 176, 177 : vaudeville, 168-172; 
melodrama, 172-174 ; opera, 174, 175 ; 
municipal, 177. 178; summer, 197. 

Trade unions, 56-63, 82, 303-313, 343, 
349, 352 ; relation of, to the saloon, 56, 
58, 59, 61, 62, 303-313, .325 : life of, 57, 
58 ; social features of, 59, 60, 304, 307 ; 



INDEX. 



397 



influence of insurance benefits, 58, 309, 

310; need of good club-rooms, Ul, 03, 

312. 
Transportation and pleasure resorts, 199, 

201 ; municipal ownership of, 281. 
Turn Verein, the, ISO. 
Twentieth Century Club, the, 272. 

University extension movement, 107, 108. 
University Settlement (N. Y.), 63, 78, 153. 

Wage earners, differentiation of, 283. 
Wagner Institute (Philadelphia), 109. 
Warner Bros. Mfg. Co., 98. 
Washington, coffee-house in, 223-225 ; 

tenement ordinance in, 281. 
Wells Memorial (Boston), 330, 332. 
Whittier House, 37. 
Willow Grove Park (Philadelphia), 197, 

198. 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 

118, 119, 155, 336. 



Working girls' clubs, 2G8. 
Workingmeu's clubs, 80-100, 377 ; in 

England, 83-88, 97, 98; philanthropic, 

90-100; in factories, 96-100; in 

churches, 133. 
Workingmen's Coffee House, 244. 
Workingmen's hotels in England, 247, 

248, 296, 297 ; in America, 289, 297-301. 

Young Men's Christian Association, 53, 
180, 332, 339, 350, 357, 308 ; beginnings 
of, 138, 139 ; in America, 139 ; devel- 
opment of, 140 ; present extent of, 140 ; 
property of, 140 ; social and educa- 
tional features of, 140, 141 ; railroad 
department, 141, 142 ; in United States, 
142 ; amusements in, 140, 147 ; new 
methods of, 146, 147 ; and the church, 
147 ; and the wage-earner, 142-146. 

Young men's clubs, 48-53, 76-80, 181, 
331 ; saloon and, 50-52. 

Young Men's Institute (R. C), 127. 



(Cfte RitaerjiDe pvt9^ 

EUctrotyped and printed by H. O. Houghton b' Ce. 
Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. 



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